We are only two months into the second Trump administration and already it is much more nightmarish than almost anyone forecast, even its darkest and most pessimistic critics, a team to which I usually belong. But we should have learned that lesson around 2018: No matter how bad you think Donald is going to be on (insert topic here), he’s always worse.
For almost ten years now (yes, it has been almost ten years), those of us who were and are alarmed about Donald Trump have been condescended to by the right, the center, the center-right, and in some cases even the far left. We’ve been told that we’re overreacting, that we’re being hysterical, that we have Trump Derangement Syndrome, that we’re letting Donald live rent-free in our heads. (Can we retire that worn-out expression please?) But I’ve never had any truck with that critique and I have even less now—not even a very small one, like a Toyota Tacoma. The events of the past two months would seem to vindicate my position and that of my fellow hair-on-fire, TDS-plagued, brainspace-landlord anti-Trumpers, even if I do say so myself.
The model usually cited for where a Trumpist United States would be headed has typically been Hungary, but now even that is looking far too tame. The Harvard political scientist Steven Levitsky, co-author of How Democracies Die and Tyranny of the Minority, among other books, recently noted that Trump is actually moving much faster and more aggressively than Orbán ever did. Viktor took decades to consolidate power in his country and create a so-called “illiberal democracy” (which is to say, not a democracy at all), to undermine the judiciary and the media and other Hungarian institutions with kabuki-like gestures toward the rule of law while actually running a dictatorship. Trump is ripping through those same institutions in America while barely bothering even to pretend.
As just one benchmark, let’s recall Trump’s firing of then-FBI director James Comey in May 2017, early in his first term. I remember precise moment that I got The New York Times alert on my phone, back when I relied on the Gray Lady as my main source of news. It was a shock to almost everyone who paid attention to such things, and it set in motion a huge swath of the events that followed, including the Russia investigation, the import of which has only grown as Team Trump’s fearless leader daily does Vladimir Putin’s bidding with eyepopping openness. But these days Trump does things on the order of firing the FBI director without cause ten times a day as a matter of course, and almost no one bats an eye, or at least has minimal eye-batting time available before moving on to the next outrage. It’s a deliberate strategy of course, and a chillingly effective one.
The Overton window has moved so far, it’s now located in a house three doors down the block.
LITANY OF HORRORS
We have become somewhat inured to Trumpism over the past near-decade, so now is a good time to pause and take in the breadth of its insanity. A good place to begin is by thinking back to, say, late November 2016, just before he took office for the first time, and how we were told he wasn’t gonna be so bad, that we had to give him benefit of the doubt, that America had strong democratic guardrails, and that everything was probably going to be fine. (Probably.)
Now let’s jump to the present and survey the state of play in early April 2025.
Oh, and all this is happening after Trump stole classified documents, was convicted of 34 felonies, and refused to participate in a peaceful transfer of power instead summoning a violent mob to try murder his own vice president and various members of Congress by way of overturning a fee and fair election.
I could go on, but you get the idea. And now Trump is talking openly—no joke—about staying in office for a third term.
If you had a time machine and went back to November 2016 and told the American people this is what they were in for, they’d have never believed you. Because a fair number of prognosticators did tell the American people that way back then, even without benefit of a time machine.
OF BOILED FROGS AND PERFECTLY ROBUST DUCKS
The frog in boiling water is an apt metaphor, although there have been times in the (ugh) Trump era when the water temperature was ratcheted up much too fast so for anyone to miss. But there is no doubt that we have slowly become accustomed to this madness, so much so that looking back, it’s hard fathom what was once considered normal and what aberrant.
I’ll offer just one more example of how far we have fallen and what we have come to accept as normal, everyday life in Trump’s America. That example is Trump’s post on his Truth Social joke-of-a-social-media-platform last month in which he attacked federal judge James Boasberg, who had ruled that the administration’s summary rendition of hundreds of Venezuelan nationals to a gulag in El Salvador was unlawful.
The content of what Trump did—attacking a judge—is mind-boggling enough. But the language and the tone and the trademark ALL CAPS style is absolutely demented and unthinkable for a US president prior to 2016.
That’s from the President of the United States, y’all.
Last December, before the inauguration, I published a somewhat hopeful blog titled “A Lame Duck on Day One?,” in which I pondered the possibility that, once free of the threat of criminal comeuppance, Trump might be too lazy to do any of the bad shit we were really worried about. Like others who entertained such starry-eyed notions, I turned out to be wildly wrong, grossly underestimating Donald’s appetite for revenge, muscle-flexing, and sheer nihilism. The odious libertarian columnist Megan McCardle noted as much in a recent piece in The Washington Post, where she was sort of obliquely gleeful about it, repeatedly complimenting Trump on blowing through both the conventional wisdom and conventional norms like a superman. The piece didn’t hide its sympathies, titled as it was “Trump Has Been Liberated by the YOLO Presidency” and subtitled “The president doesn’t feel constrained in his second term. Instead, he’s doing as he pleases.”
It’s a good time to be an admirer of psychopathic assholes, I guess.
But that is the state of the once proud WaPo these days. The paper that brought down Nixon now offers the risible spectacle of the pathetic sycophant columnist Marc Thiessen arguing with a straight face that the real lesson of the Signal fiasco (he just calls it a “chat”) is as “a window into the inner workings of a highly competent national security team carrying out a successful military operation on the orders of a decisive US president,” which he contrasts favorably with what he calls “Joe Biden’s disastrous leadership on the world stage.” (Ask Zelenskyy about that.) The big takeaway, he argues, is that “Trump has built an effective team.”
Memo to Jeff Bezos: Loving your new editorial policy!
Surveying our ongoing descent into fascism and ignominy, the question before us is how much farther will we drop, and can we climb our way back up again to some semblance of decency and democracy?
In a recent piece for The Bulwark called “What We May Forget,” Andrew Egger called back to Phillip Larkin’s 1969 poem “Homage to a Government,” and its line about Britain rebuilding after the Second World War: “Our children will not know it’s a different country.” Egger wrote that, “The damage being done today, the scope of the global cruelty and tragedy, is hard to take in,” speaking of “a slow hardening into the new normal.”
Trump and his allies know that, as they work to build a future that is smaller and crueler, more paranoid and more violent, human nature is on their side. We rationalize the current, block out the past, and imagine something brighter can emerge in the future….
But even if this does happen, that doesn’t mean putting things back together will be simple. Whether it will even be possible remains to be seen.
Getting out of this starts with remembering. It was good to be a country that cared about babies born with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa, that was willing to save their lives for pennies a day. It was good to be a country that cared about Ukrainian children torn from their families by a hostile power, that strove toward a future that saw them home. Maybe someday we can claw our way there again—if we remember.
As I’ve said before, if this is how far we’ve come in just two months, it’s hard to fathom where we’ll be in six months, or a year, let alone four years. But it is very possible that the United States will be fatally damaged, perhaps beyond repair…..or at least repairs that will take decades, presuming the authoritarian movement is sufficiently defeated and discredited and the soil from which it sprung salted such that sanity can prevail.
In an influential article for The New York Review of Books called “Autocracy: Rules for Survival.”
published right after Election Day 2016 (and later expanded into a book of the same title), Masha Gessen imagined an alternate history in which Hillary Clinton’s concession speech offered not the usual congratulations to her opponent and platitudes about the peaceful transfer of power, but this:
“Thank you, my friends. Thank you. Thank you. We have lost. We have lost, and this is the last day of my political career, so I will say what must be said. We are standing at the edge of the abyss. Our political system, our society, our country itself are in greater danger than at any time in the last century and a half. The president-elect has made his intentions clear, and it would be immoral to pretend otherwise. We must band together right now to defend the laws, the institutions, and the ideals on which our country is based.”
Of course, Hillary would have been excoriated if she had said that. Then again, Hillary gets excoriated even when she pets a puppy. But it would have been the God’s honest truth, and set a tone, and nudged us toward the aggressive mindset that is now called for, one that is appropriate when one’s foes are irredeemable fascists. (So, yeah, I guess I am saying that it’s all Hillary’s fault, isn’t it?)
So as we feel the temperature continuing to rise and our skin scalding in this frog soup, let us try to keep some perspective as to just how low we have sunk, and remember that THIS IS NOT NORMAL. In part two of this essay, coming in a few days, we will consider further thoughts on the beginning of a movement to change course.
********
Photo: Don descends the golden escalator in Trump Tower in Midtown Manhattan to announce his presidential run, June 16, 2015. Credit: Tom Briglia/FilmMagic.
Last weekend I was honored to be invited to speak at an online “emergency town hall” sponsored by Writers for Democratic Action and Books & Books in Miami. You can check out those remarks here.
The topic of the town hall was the ongoing autocratic emergency in America and potential responses to it, a subject I’ve been fixed upon for several years, pre-dating Trump’s re-election, as detailed in Resisting the Right: How to Survive the Gathering Storm.
Writers for Democratic Action is an activist group of—you guessed it—writers, formed in August 2020 to oppose Donald Trump’s administration and to promote the cause of—you guessed it again—democracy during this exceptionally fraught time in American history. Founded as Writers Against Trump by Paul Auster, Peter Balakian, James Carroll, Carolyn Forché, Todd Gitlin, Siri Hustvedt, and Askold Melnyczuk, it is a volunteer organization with a membership of over 3000. Its activities range from get-out-the-vote efforts, to the fight against book banning, to educational webinars with folks like Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), authors such as Margaret Atwood, Ada Limón, and Javier Zamora, and writers and scholars from as far afield as Ukraine and Turkey. (I was privileged to be the guest at one of WDA’s “Democracy Book Clubs” last summer.) Last July 19—the day before Trump accepted the Republican nomination—WDA also sponsored simultaneous readings of its homage to Sinclair Lewis, titled “It Can’t Happen Here—Again,” at 91 locations in 71 cities in 24 states.
I was flattered to be invited to the town hall by James Carroll, who was also my interlocutor at the Democracy Book Club last year. The other speakers were former US Poet Laureate Robert Pinsky; Harold Meyerson, editor-at-large of The American Prospect; Nancy Rosenblum, professor of politics and government at Harvard; and Gene Nichol, professor of law at UNC, as well as a vigorous conversation in an open forum. The full recording of the event is here.
If you or your friends or colleagues are interested in having me come talk, please DM me. In this fraught moment for America, solidarity with each other and the frank exchange of ideas are essential.
When I was young, and romantic, I used to be dazzled by stories about people who had faced vast challenges and overcome them. Not just heroes, but even the mass of ordinary people who simply lived through epic, Earth-shaking periods of history, whether it was the Second World War, the McCarthy era, the Civil Rights Movement, or going back further, the Civil War, the westward expansion of the United States, the founding of this country, and so on. Times that try men’s souls, as Mr. Paine once wrote. Times of danger, and high stakes, and life-and-death drama.
It all seemed very exciting.
At my age, I am of a generation that has seen a few bold-faced moments of our own: Vietnam, the AIDS crisis, 9/11 and the ensuing wars, the 2016 election and all that followed, the COVID-19 pandemic, and January 6th all come to mind.
We are in another such historic moment right now, bigger perhaps that any of those, or any that our generation has lived through before, maybe even rivaling some in that first paragraph. It’s a time of an unprecedented test of America democracy, with no guarantee that the republic will survive. Stakes don’t get much higher or scarier than that.
And I gotta tell ya: it ain’t as much fun as I imagined.
Looking back with the benefit of hindsight and the certainty of a happy outcome, the struggle to defeat Hitler and Nazism—to take but one very extreme example—seems glorious. But while it was going on, and people were suffering and dying, and the prospect that fascism might triumph and crush all humanity under its bootheel was very real, it must have been…..uh…..stressful.
I do not mean to invoke Godwin’s Law here with that analogy, only to note that we are in a hard slog, the outcome of which is by no means certain. And it’s sure to get worse before it gets better, if in fact it gets better at all. Let’s hope that our children and grandchildren are able to read about it and feel that same vicarious, romantic glow that we get looking back on the dark times that our predecessors lived through and prevailed over.
AMERICA WORST
Of late this blog has, for obvious reasons, been focused on our domestic crisis, but let’s spend a little time on foreign affairs, which once upon a time was my preferred métier, and with which the ongoing emergency at home is unavoidably intertwined.
Pete Hegseth went to Europe and put down his cocktail glass and stopped groping women long enough to announce that the US was turning its back on 80 years of security commitments and to give the EU and NATO and non-aligned but friendly countries a big fat middle finger. To their great credit, American middle schoolers in Department of Defense Dependent Schools in Germany heckled the new Secretary of Defense (cough, cough) and staged a walkout when he spoke. (The White House recently banned a bunch of books from DoDDS schools for being “too woke.”)
I am a product of those schools, where my mother was a teacher, in Germany no less, way back when the Berlin Wall first went up, and it made me proud to see what those middle schoolers and some of their parents did. Why are those kids braver than the entire Republican Party and half the Democratic one too? That’s a rhetorical question, in case it wasn’t sufficiently clear. (Literally old school DoDDS education ain’t too shabby, n’est-ce pas?)
Who’s gonna tell the Greatest Generation—those very GIs who fought the world war that I referred to at the top of this piece—that we switched sides? Sorry about that whole “please invade Normandy” thing, fellas. Turns out we prefer the fascists to be in power after all.
What else? Oh, a Russian stooge was confirmed as Director of National Intelligence. (That sound you hear is Champagne corks popping in the Kremlin.) Way over yonder in the monarchy, Secretary of State Marco “L’il Marco” Rubio was in Riyadh to see what Crown Prince Mohammad Bonesaw Salman wants us to do. Of course, that’s a complicated triangulation with what Vladimir Putin wants us to do. It’s hard to have lot of different masters we’re beholden to, people.
All in all it was one of the worst weeks for American foreign policy in recorded history.
I have long been critical of US military misadventures abroad. It’s a topic near and dear to me. But what we are seeing now is not a welcome antidote to that by any measure. On the contrary: it is a tragic error just as wrongheaded in its own way, and ironically, driven by the same venal and arrogant nationalism. Because in the end, isolationism is just interventionism’s equally evil twin.
The United States’s abdication of its essential role as the indispensable nation (I did not say “exceptional”), a role that it has played since 1942, is a world-rattling shift, and not in a good way. For all America’s flaws—not something MAGA cops to, or that figure in its calculus—withdrawing from engagement with the rest of the world like this does nothing but cede power to the Putins, Xis, Erdogans, Bibis, Orbans, and Kims of the world, vile company that Donny is of course desperate to join. It further imperils the already imperiled cause of liberal democracy the world over, and it consigns beleaguered peoples like those of Palestine and Ukraine and elsewhere to something that can without exaggeration be called extermination, if not the dreaded “g” word.
And it makes me ashamed of my passport.
THIS WEEK IN SHINY OBJECTS
So that’s the wider world. But maybe things were better here at home?
LOL. It’s good we can laugh, right?
Here in the land of round doorknobs, Musk’s hostile takeover of the mechanisms of the US government continues, even as his figurehead partner carries on establishing a white nationalist regime.
The notion that Musk is curbing waste is laughable on its very face when Trump is firing inspectors general and DOGE is slashing nutrition programs for poor children (to name just one of its highlights). This week we learned that Musk wants to get into the weeds of the IRS, as The Washington Post reports that DOGE “is seeking access to a heavily-guarded Internal Revenue Service system that includes detailed financial information about every taxpayer, business and nonprofit in the country, according to two people familiar with the activities, sparking alarm within the tax agency.” Can you imagine if a Democratic administration wanted the IRS to give this kind of access to a bunch of unelected twentysomething staffers under the control of a billionaire in its camp?
In a piece for The New York Times called “Elon Musk’s Business Empire Scores Benefits Under Trump Shake-Up,” Eric Lipton and Kirsten Grind reported that there are “at least 11 federal agencies that have been affected” by Trump’s attack on the federal government, agencies that have “more than 32 continuing investigations, pending complaints or enforcement actions into Mr. Musk’s six companies.” Those companies include Tesla; SpaceX and its subsidiary Starlink; Neuralink, the AI startup XAI; the Boring Company (which is a tunneling venture); and of course, the Gulf of MeXico, Formerly Known as Twitter. Edsall adds that, “In addition, the federal government has awarded contracts with a total value of $13 billion over the past five years to Musk companies, Lipton and Grind found, most of which went to SpaceX, making it “one of the biggest government contractors.”
And now Musk even wants to be let into Ft. Knox. (And I thought Ian Fleming was dead.)
Responding to polite inquiries about what the fuck this Boer douchebag is up to, the White House risibly claimed that Elon Musk is just an unofficial advisor with no authority, and not even an actual employee of DOGE (which it can’t definitively say is or is not a federal agency or what). Man, I was born at night, but guess what? Wasn’t last night.
Trump/Musk, of course, claim they are only carrying out the will of the people. At a White House briefing last Wednesday, Elon defended what DOGE is doing by saying, “If the people cannot vote and have their will be decided by their elected officials in the form of the president and the Senate and the House, then we don’t live in a democracy, we live in a bureaucracy.”
Irony, thou hath an Afrikaaner accent.
The New York Times’s Thomas Edsall asks, “How, then, does granting one man, a very rich man, unchecked power to reconfigure the federal government from the ground up get to be described as democratic?” He then gives us Musk’s answer, as delivered at a White House press event this week:
“We have a majority of the public vote voting for President Trump. We won the House. We won the Senate….The people voted for major government reform, and that’s what people are going to get. They’re going to get what they voted for…..And that’s what democracy is all about.”
We have already discussed in previous blogs that Trump’s claim of a mandate is both mathematically false and willfully deceptive. (I know, it’s hard to believe, right?) But even beyond that, the idea that an unelected outsider—who also happens to the world’s richest man, with a pronounced affinity for far right wing politics and massive federal contracts—is going in and taking control of the machinery of government with no legal authority to do so, and almost no transparency to what he is doing, is the very opposite of democracy.
The Guardian quotes Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island):
“I think their claims that they’re going after waste, fraud and abuse is a complete smokescreen for their real intentions”……Likening Trump’s firing of the IGs to “firing cops before you rob the bank,” Whitehouse stressed: “It’s pretty clear that what’s going on here is a very deliberate effort to create as much wreckage in the government as they can manage with a view to helping out the big Trump donors and special interests who find government obnoxious in various ways.”
That is it exactly. All this zone-flooding-with-shit is ultimately in the service of distracting us from the giant tax break the GOP is about to give the richest 1% of Americans, to the tune of about $4.5 trillion, “justified” on the money saved/not really saved by cutting programs for poor children.
You know, I am beginning to regret voting for Elon.
AND HE SHALL BE ELON
So what exactly is going on here? In that same issue of the New York Times, Thomas Edsall neatly summarized the state of play in a piece called, “Elon Musk Is Leading a ‘Hostile Takeover of the Federal Government’.” Laurence Tribe, emeritus professor of constitutional law at Harvard, told Edsall:
“I can think of no precedent in American history of such enormous power being entrusted to a private citizen.
To say that this delegation of unsupervised authority by President Trump to Elon Musk is an unprecedented violation of the appointments clause of Article II of the Constitution, which at a minimum would demand the Senate’s advice and consent to the appointment of anyone exercising the kind of power, would be an understatement.”
Michael Dorf, a constitutional scholar who is a professor of law at Cornell, told Edsall that the authority given to Musk is “truly unprecedented in US history.”
By way of comparison, opposition parties have occasionally raised substantial objections when even a small amount of power was given to persons who held no official office: think about the Republican reaction to the essentially advisory role that Hillary Clinton had in the formulation of health care reform in her husband’s administration.
Or consider the concerns raised by many Democrats when Dick Cheney (who was the elected VP at the time) was meeting with private industry leaders to help formulate energy policy during the George W. Bush administration. Yet Hillary Clinton and the industry captains with whom Cheney met held only advisory power. By contrast, Musk appears to be formulating and executing policies.”
Bruce Cain, a political scientist at Stanford, speculated to Edsall that Trump is empowering Musk as payback for what he did to get him re-elected, and/or “for future financial assistance with Trump’s legal difficulties.” He also suggested that “having Musk do the dirty work” will let Trump be the good cop when it comes time to negotiate some of the more extreme measures. (I am not sure that is going to happen, but let’s hope.)
Brooke Harrington, a sociologist at Dartmouth, has been studying wealth, power and the rise of oligarchs since the turn of the century. In a phone interview, told Edsall “that a tech broligarchy has effectively bought the presidency.”
Trump gets to be chairman of the board, cut the ribbons in day-to-day ceremonies, while control of the structure of government is left to them, in what amounts to a hostile takeover of the federal government.
Speaking to Jon Stewart on “The Daily Show” the night after Trump’s inauguration, Harrington compared Putin’s relationship with his oligarchs to Trump’s with his own wealthy patrons who propelled him back into the White House:
“At least Putin has a red line with his oligarchs. The grand bargain was that he was going to let them get rich on condition that they kept their noses out of his political business. At most, they would be his errand boys.What Trump has done is so extraordinary. He doesn’t have that bright line with the new oligarchs of America at all. He basically said, ‘You bought it. Do what you want’.”
Even some on the right are unhappy with what’s going on. In a January 13 interview with the Italian newspaper Corriere Della Sera, Steve Bannon called Musk “a truly evil person. Stopping him has become a personal issue for me.” Wow, it’s a rare day when I agree with Steve Bannon. (Other than that, it’s mostly just our mutual love of field jackets.)
Yet even as he’s at odds with the far right wing of the American GOP, Musk is somehow managing to cozy up to the far right in other countries, the ideological brethren of the racists who ran the apartheid-era South Africa in which he was raised. Speaking to an AfD rally via pre-recorded video, Musk told the young brownshirts: “I think you really are the best hope for Germany,” adding: “It’s good to be proud of German culture and German values and not to lose that in some sort of multiculturalism that dilutes everything.” He added that there has been “too much of a focus on past guilt and we need to move beyond that.”
Still think that wasn’t a Nazi salute he gave? The man is openly courting the connection. Musk is even to the right of Nigel Farage, who has bristled at Elon’s ideas for his Reform UK party.
Edsall writes:
Musk’s engagement with these parties suggests….that his agenda at DOGE is at least as much about being partisan and radically conservative as it is about cutting spending or increasing efficiency. His targets, so far, have been liberals in the federal work force, particularly those involved in diversity, equity and inclusion programs, and such federal programs as consumer protection and foreign aid that draw workers, in the main, with liberal views.Musk, then, is in charge of a campaign to purge left-leaning or liberal government initiatives, with little or no regard to legal or constitutional constraint.
WHEN PUSH COMES TO SHOVE
So far, the most significant push back to what Trump and Musk are doing has come from the federal courts, which Robert Reich calls our “last defense.” That is also why the White House and its allies have begun shamelessly attacking them.
Calling Trump “the most lawless president in American history,” Reich writes in The Guardian:
But the big story here (which hasn’t received nearly the attention it deserves) is that the Trump-Vance-Musk regime is ignoring the courts.On Sunday, J.D. Vance declared that “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.” This is bonkers. In our system of government, it’s up to the courts to determine whether the president is using his power “legitimately”, not the president.
Vance, a Yale Law School graduate who clearly knows better, also told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos: “If the Supreme Court said the President of the United States can’t fire a general, that would be an illegitimate ruling, and the president has to have Article II prerogative under the constitution to actually run the military as he sees fit.”
It’s a nonsensical analogy, as it’s premised on the Court making a plainly unconstitutional and incorrect ruling. One might as well say, “If the Supreme Court said the head of state is really Ryan Seacrist, the President has the prerogative to ignore it.” As Reich writes, what Vance really means is, “if the US Supreme Court rules against Trump on an important issue, there’s a fair chance the Trump-Vance-Musk regime will thumb their nose at it.”
They are already at it. Just last week, federal judge John McConnell Jr. expressly declared that the Trump White House is disobeying his order to release billions of dollars in federal grants, alleging that the administration is openly defying the “the plain text” of his edict. The previous week, US district judge Loren AliKhan reprimanded the OMB for disregarding a similar order.
So yes, we should take heart that there have been such orders, and others from federal judges like Paul Engelmayer and John Coughenour denying DOGE access to the US Treasury Department’s payment and data systems, and blocking the executive order ending birthright citizenship, as well as lawsuits from sanctuary cities and counties challenging Trump’s executive order on that front, and from state attorney generals led by New York’s Letitia James. But we should not kid ourselves that they will stop Trump, who is quietly—and not so quietly—ignoring rulings invalidating his actions.
Undoubtedly we are on the road to a showdown at the Supreme Court, where, to quote Woody Hayes, only three things can happen and two of them are bad.
The Trumpified Court might have his back (as it did when it was asked “Is Trump a king?”), or,
The justices rebuff him and he defies them.
Possibility No. 3, the idea that the Court remembers what it learned in law school and upholds the Constitution, remains a longshot.
IS DONALD TRUMP GOOD OR BAD? THE JURY IS STILL OUT, PEOPLE
Despite all this, the center-right MSM (let alone media outlets even further right) continue to treat Convicted Felon Donald Trump like a conventional politician—rather than a terrorist and aspiring despot—and give his proposals credibility they don’t remotely deserve.
We see it from The Wall Street Journal (“Peace in Ukraine Needn’t Mean Russian Victory”) to The Economist (“Will Donald Trump and Elon Musk Wreck or Reform the Pentagon? America’s Security Depends Upon Their Success”). That last one cannot be a serious question, of course, and just asking it makes it impossible to view The Economist any longer as a serious magazine. Next week: Are Trump and Musk going to serve poor people at a soup kitchen next Thanksgiving, or will they be lighting cigars with US citizens’ Social Security checks? No one knows!
Of course, the WSJ has gone even further in it drooling subservience to Trump, like its recent piece “Did Trump Just Win a ‘Tectonic’ Election?,” in which the Princeton historian Allen Guelzo—also an ordained minister and harsh critic of the 1619 Project—muses that Donald could wind up in the company of FDR or even Lincoln. And we need not even get into the bootlicking Republican politicians who want to make his birthday a national holiday (an honor accorded to—hang on, lemme count—zero other US presidents), or put him on Mt. Rushmore, or rename Dulles Airport for him.
Even The Atlantic has gotten into the act. It ran an article recently with the infuriating headline “How Progressives Broke the Government,” which leads one to believe it is yet another piece blaming the left for the right wing nightmare we’re in. In fact, it’s mostly a discussion of turn-of-the 19th-century Teddy Roosevelt-era Progressivism…..and even when it does turn to today, its ultimate critique is that small “p” progressives have been too timid, too willing to bow to the less-government-not-more mindset of conservatism. So in that regard it’s really a critique of the right. So the headline is the worst of it, but the piece itself is also sketchy in its desire to be transgressive. It even includes the classic journalistic CYA trope of “to be sure,” comme ça: “Conservatism, of course, hasn’t been helpful in making government more effective.”
Oh, is that so?
Give me a fucking break. We will continue to be in this mess as long as the journals that the chattering class reads busy themselves with this tripe. It’s bad enough that allegedly respectable conservative ones like the WSJ and Economist do.
Despite the navel-gazing solipsism of the MSM, we keep hearing that the American people will soon begin to feel the pain from Trump’s actions—that is to say, from both the things he has lied about, like lowering the price of eggs. and the things he didn’t, like his plan to destroy the federal government as we know it. But for now, Trump is still in the mode of blaming Biden and Buttigieg for air disasters that happened on the GOP’s watch (a fourth one this week, an American flag carrier, though it crashed in Toronto) even as it was in the process of gutting the FAA. And I don’t see barricades going up in the streets.
Is all this very dramatic, very grave, very profound? It is. And I wish it wasn’t upon us, and I could devote all my time to “Seinfeld” trivia and fantasy football and re-organizing my record collection alphabetically by recording engineer. Sadly, none of us have that luxury right now.
We all know the famous curse, “May you live in interesting times”—often (but apparently erroneously) said to be an old Chinese proverb. But I never truly appreciated it until now.
*********
Photo: Two American GIs of the 79th Infantry Division after a battle in the Bien Woods, near Lauterberg, France, December 20, 1944. Photographer unknown.
Last week, the first part of this essay addressed the rapidly unfolding democratic emergency in the United States and the appalling non-response of the majority of the American people and institutions.
I regret to inform you, dear readers, that it has not gotten better since we last met. Worse, in fact.
But these are not even central to the autocratic takeover, only ancillary. The main event continues to be Elon Musk’s Orwellian-named Department of Government Efficiency and its extralegal assault and digital dismemberment of key aspects of the federal government.
As Timothy Snyder writes, if a bunch of armed men rolled up to the Treasury Department in Tesla cybertrucks and seized the building by force, we would understand that a coup was in progress. This post-modern version—conducted out of sight, quite quietly, by twentysomething coders, with the Republican president’s blessing—is a no less illegal usurping of power. Yet most of the country seems unbothered by it. In his new Substack, Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman uses the explosive term “dictatorship” to describe what is being put in place. He also immediately anticipating the sputtering response:
“If my use of the word ‘dictatorship’ disturbs you,” he writes, “if your first reaction is to say ‘Isn’t that a bit shrill?’, you’re part of the problem. The constitutional crisis isn’t something that might hypothetically happen; it’s fully underway as you read this.”
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS IS HERE, PART 47
Is Musk breaking various laws in what he’s doing? Likely, but with no oversight, it’s hard to tell….and as Jonathan Chait points out in a recent piece in The Atlantic, Elon may not care in any event, since Trump has made it clear with his pardons of January 6 insurrectionists that he will protect anyone else who breaks the law on his behalf. Besides, in our current Bizarro World, there is an inversion of who the criminals are, in keeping with page one of the fascist handbook: “Accuse your enemies of your own crimes.”
Chait:
Musk has adopted Trump’s habit of deeming opposition to his actions inherently criminal. He has called the United States Agency for International Development, a decades-old program with support in both parties, a “criminal organization.” After an X user posted the names of the young engineers working with Musk, previously reported by Wired, he responded, “You have committed a crime.”
Edward R. Martin Jr., a Big Lie advocate who is now US Attorney for the District of Columbia, echoed that threat in a post on Twitter. (If Trump’s gonna try to rename the Gulf of Mexico, I’m gonna keep calling it Twitter, thankyouverymuch). I’m not a US Attorney, but just to be clear, as Chait reminds us: “Reporting on the identities of powerful public officials is, in fact, not a crime—even, or especially, if those officials have assumed public powers without going through formal channels.
One of the teenaged Red Guards that Musk turned loose to destroy the federal government was briefly forced out because of the revelation of racist and pro-eugenics posts he had made in his social media feed. I was surprised he was not promoted. But sure enough, within days he was reinstated, with Musk calling for the Wall Street Journal reporter who dug up his past to be fired. J.D. Vance said something about youthful mistakes not being cause for permanent cancellation, which will come as news to the Black teenagers doing decades-long bids in prison for minor offenses. As Ibram X. Kendi noted, that’s how white supremacy works: it treats white adults like children and Black children like adults.
Lawbreaking is almost beside the point, however, since the anti-democratic intent of the whole endeavor is the real issue. Why do so few of our countrymen, from Congress all the way down to the man and woman on the street, seem upset about that?
Chait argues that Republican Congressmen don’t see their power being abrogated by Trump/Musk, as one might imagine, because they either share the same goals, or have at least been cowed into supporting them, and because the success of this self-coup permanently resets the game in the GOP’s favor. “A world in which the president could cut spending without exposing Congress to accountability would hand small-government conservatives the opportunity to carry out policies they’ve long desired but been too afraid to vote for.”
But it’s a radical, anti-democratic, and indeed “revolutionary” maneuver to say the very least, and I mean that in the very specific political definition of the word. Chait:
Not even the most committed small-government-conservative lawmaker would design a process like the one now occurring: a handful of political novices, many of them drinking deep from the fetid waters of right-wing conspiracy theorizing, tearing through the federal budget, making haphazard decisions about what to scrap. And indeed, no elected body has designed this process. Trump and Musk have arrogated the power to themselves. The true urgent cause is to return that power to the legislature before the damage becomes irreversible.
Former US Attorney Joyce Vance calls Trump an “anti-president,” noting that “there is no telling where it will end.”
Once disobedience to the law is on the table, even adherence to absolutes—like the two term limit on holding the office of the presidency—fall into question. As James Romoser, Politico’s legal editor wrote yesterday, “when rulers consolidate power through a cult of personality, they do not tend to surrender it willingly, even in the face of constitutional limits.
And Trump, of course, already has a track record of trying to remain in office beyond his lawful tenure.” Romoser concludes, as did I earlier in the week, that the possibility Trump will seek and secure a third term shouldn’t be dismissed with a hand wave, as some commentators have.
Again, and despite the title of this piece, I do not mean to suggest that there has be zero pushback. There have been protests. Some elected Democrats know what time it is and others do not, and for the latter, Congressional phone lines have been overwhelmed with angry constituents demanding that their representatives do their jobs and defend democracy. The judiciary has stood up in some cases (although the administration has had some wins in court as well) and that is the result of aggressive action by state AGs like Letitia James and others. We should take heed of these actions and gather encouragement and momentum from them.
Still, the bulk the American people seem largely unbothered. (We can leave out of this discussion those maniacs who love what Trump is doing. “NRA Accidentally Forgets to Rise Up Against Tyrannical Government,” quipped The Shovel, an Onion-like satirical website from Australia. Ironically, the post comes from way back in 2020.)
The situation reminds me of the dark days of the Iraq war. In the three decades after the end of active US combat in Vietnam, the political-military-industrial complex successfully re-engineered the mechanisms of power projection such that Washington could prosecute foreign misadventures unhindered by the need for consensus and support from the mass of the American people—things like a draft, and a robust press corps free from government censorship—thanks in part to an overreliance on the reserve components, and the outsourcing of operations to private military contractors. As a result, even as American soldiers, Marines, sailors, and airmen were in vicious combat in places like Fallujah, one could look out the window in Anytown USA and never know that the United States was at war. It was a relatively small sliver of American families that felt the pain—to say nothing of Iraqi ones—over and over, by means of multiple deployments, and separation from loved ones, and horrific brain injuries and amputations, and aluminum coffins coming home to Dover AFB.
The difference is, with Iraq, our leaders were hiding it from us. This time they are not, and yet we are willfully acting like nothing’s wrong.
My friend Daniel Sibo argues that part of the problem is that the damage is not yet visible, unlike 9/11 or 1/6 or the pandemic, for example. “Deleting a database or electronic records just doesn’t mean anything to them,” as Daniel writes. That may change when the results of this slash-and-burn campaign are truly felt, but by then it will certainly be too late. The Washington Post, for example, reports that US farmers—who voted overwhelmingly for Trump—are now furious that millions of dollars in subsidies that they were promised by the US Agriculture Department have disappeared, “despite promises from the Trump administration that a federal funding freeze would not apply to projects directly benefiting individuals.”
Gee, I’m beginning to think you can’t trust the guy.
Still, some, on both the right and to a lesser extent the left, have even expressed enthusiasm for this “burn it all down” approach. I get where they’re coming from, and the frustration with a dysfunctional government. But I hasten to note that, for decades, now the Republican Party has deliberately worked to make government as dysfunctional as possible in order to create that very frustration, and to prepare the ground for the venal and self-serving destruction of the republic that it is currently conducting. And I would humbly suggest that the pro-arson crowd has no idea what “burning it all down” will truly entail. If and when that comes and they feel the pain, we’ll see how fire-friendly they really are.
IF IT QUACKS
So it is not hyperbole to say that the United States is hurtling towards dictatorship. The question is, which dictator are you talking about?
Just prior to his inauguration, I wrote a blog suggesting the Trump might be a lame duck on day one. That has not proved so in terms of the speed and aggressiveness of his executive actions. But it has been so very much in terms of who is running the US government.
For eight years now, we have been correctly focused on the manchild from Queens as the heart of a unique threat against the American experiment, even if he was only an empty vessel for centuries of John Birch-y proto-authoritarianism bubbling up in the American DNA. But it seems clear that the threat has morphed, as Trump has allowed Elon Musk into the house like a naïve teenager in a horror movie opening the front door to a blood-stained dude holding a chainsaw and wearing an old school Jacques Plante-style hockey mask.
Trump has been content to pursue his crusade of persecution against the people who tried to hold him to account under the law, to issue retrograde executive orders designed to thrill his white nationalist base, and to move forward with using the power of the presidency to line his own pockets and those of his plutocratic friends. But he has left it to Elon Musk to lead the dismemberment of the federal government. And dismember he has.
You may ask: don’t Trump’s allies, like Musk (though likely not Trump himself) realize that their actions are going to destroy the republic as we know it and result in massive damage that will eventually blow back on them? The answer to part one of that question is yes, they absolutely understand that. The answer to part two is that they don’t care. Or, more accurately, they’re delighted by it.
In his blog Notes from the Circus, Mike Brock writes:
(A) quiet revolution is unfolding within the US government. Inside the newly created Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), teams of young tech operatives are systematically dismantling democratic institutions and replacing them with proprietary artificial intelligence systems. Civil servants who raise legal objections are being removed. Government databases are being migrated to private servers. Decision-making power is being transferred from elected officials and career bureaucrats to algorithms controlled by a small network of Silicon Valley elites. This isn’t a spontaneous coup—it’s the culmination of a dangerous ideology that has been meticulously developed since the 2008 financial crisis, one that sees democracy itself as obsolete technology ready to be “disrupted.”
“DOGE is not about efficiency,” Brock writes. “It is about erasure. Democracy is being deleted in slow motion, replaced by proprietary technology and AI models. It is a coup, executed not with guns, but with backend migrations and database wipes.”
He goes on to offer a masterful survey of ideas that began to gain traction in fringe circles following the 2008 global economic meltdown. That survey deserves a whole blog of its own, which will be forthcoming. For now, the crucial point to understand is that Musk is carrying out a crusade that intends to do far more than just root out “waste” and inefficiency” in the federal government. In fact, as Brock notes, it does not intend to do that at all, except in the most euphemistic way. What it intends to do is completely obliterate American democracy as we know it—in that obnoxious way that Silicon Valley tech bros consider themselves “disruptors”—in favor of a right wing autocracy papered over with their favored form of flimsy ideological self-justification known as “techno-libertarianism.”Bottom of Form
It is now very clear why Musk was willing to invest a quarter of a billion dollars getting Trump elected (and perhaps actions that go even beyond that): because it enabled him to get inside the executive branch and carry out this techno-libertarian coup, which in effect, will make him the de facto dictator of the United States, with Trump as mere figurehead. Brock writes:
This is not about Trump. This is about what comes after him. Actuarial realities do not favor an aging leader with a declining grasp on policy. But they favor the thirty- and forty-somethings laying the foundation for the post-democratic order. The men who have spent the past decade engineering an exit from democracy are no longer whispering in the dark corners of the internet. They are in power, with money, AI, and a plan. And democracy, in its current form, has never been closer to the brink.
Don’t believe it? Tune in next time for a detailed explanation.
OPPOSE3
Whether one views the current state of play as Musk doing Trump’s dirty work or as Trump providing Musk cover for his techno-libertarian revolution (or both at once), the result is the same. So let’s get back to how to stop the motherfuckers.
Paul Krugman—whose recent, angry departure from The New York Times speaks to the collapse of the MSM and its abdication of its public responsibilities—offers “three words of advice to Democratic politicians and MAGA opponents in general”:
(O)ppose, oppose, oppose. And make noise. A lot of noise. Don’t make conciliatory gestures in the belief that Trump has a mandate to do what he’s doing; don’t stay quiet on the outrages being committed every day while waiting for grocery prices to rise. I can’t promise that taking a tough line will succeed, but going easy on Trump is guaranteed to fail.
Krugman obliterates the myth that Trump has a mandate, or that opposing him will hurt Democrats, noting that “in 2008 Barack Obama won the popular vote by 7.2 percentage points, yet Republicans opposed his agenda every step of the way,” while “Joe Biden won by 4.5 percent in 2020, yet received no Republican support for anything he did.” Did voters hold that obstructionism against the GOP? Nope—on the contrary, they rewarded the Republicans with big wins in the 2010 midterms and a trifecta (both houses of Congress and the White House) this past November. “So Democrats are supposed to show deference to Donald Trump, who won by 1.5 percent and didn’t even win a majority of the overall vote?”
So Democrats and MAGA opponents shouldn’t hold their tongues and try to make nice with Trump in the belief that he represents the will of the people. Americans are just starting to find out that they guy they elected and his policies aren’t at all what they thought they were voting for. And we should do everything we can to accelerate their awful journey of discovery.
But winning the information war against Trump—which is central to any opposition—will require puncturing the formidable right wing propaganda balloon. “Democrats can’t just sit around waiting for Trump’s promises to fail,” Krugman writes. “They need to constantly challenge him.” Paul’s an economist, so he cites economics as a prime example:
One reason low-information voters may have believed Trump’s nonsense claims about being able to reduce prices is that some of them really thought he was the brilliant manager he played on TV. The reality, however, is that the Trump administration has made a complete shambles of its first 10 days….It would be political malpractice for Democrats not to make an issue of Trump’s raging incompetence.
On that front, the intrepid blogger Robert B. Hubbell, one of the sharpest voices calling attention to the coup, is surprisingly optimistic:
Trump failed the first time, and he will fail again—because he has underestimated the American people. We must steel ourselves because things will get worse before they get better—but they will get better. It is a fool’s bet to assume that the American people will sit idly by as their freedoms are stolen by a corrupt oligarch and a convicted felon destroying the government to promote their selfish interests.
Hubbell believes that Trump’s idiotic trade policies and the resulting damage “will provide fertile soil for massive action by Americans who are fed up with Trump and Musk acting like dictators.” (I would argue they ain’t just acting.)
Trump’s rolling coup is (mistakenly) predicated on his belief that the American people are sheep. He believes that we will sit still while he does whatever he wants. He is wrong. I believe in the strength and resiliency of the American people. It may take longer than some of us would like, but they will awaken.
I sure hope he’s right. At the moment, there is precious little sign of a critical mass on that front. Maybe when the pain of tariffs and a crashing stock market and a collapsing global economy hit, people will sit up and take notice. Pocketbook issues seem to be one of the few things that get Americans’ attention.
Brock again:
However, these resistance efforts face an uphill battle against the immense resources and influence of those pushing for a post-democratic future. And if we do not act now, we may wake up one day to find that democracy was not overthrown in a dramatic coup—but simply deleted, line by line, from the code that governs our lives.
But Krugman is also on Team Glass Half-Full, arguing that even though we are in the middle of an attempted autogolpe, “the autogolpistas are having a harder time than they expected. America’s oligarchs may mostly have preemptively surrendered to the new regime, but many of the rest of us have not.”
A schism between Trump Musk—which is easy to envision, with these two megalomaniacs—could also be a potential point of weakness for us exploit. In The Atlantic, Ashley Parker and Michael Scherer note that a recent poll by Quinnipiac University found that 53 percent of voters disapproved of Elon “playing a prominent role in the Trump administration, compared with 39 percent who approved.” (Even among Republican voters, one in five disapproved of Musk’s role.)
For now it is enough to recognize that we are smack in the middle of far and away the most alarming of the numerous constitutional crises we have endured over the past eight years. The surprising part is the Donald Trump may prove to be only a marginal figure in the rise of a democracy-devouring despot. But in the end, we must remember that people really don’t like dictatorships, except for the very few elites in a given society who benefit from them, and that includes the people who initially support the dictatorship until they realize what they’ve bought into and feel its boot on their neck. That irrefutable fact of politics should be our lodestar, even in the dark days in which we currently reside.
Let’s give Mr. Hubbell the last word, echoing what I wrote in Resisting the Right, which itself echoes the accumulated wisdom of the likes of Gene Sharp, Errol Harris, and Jonathan Schell, among others. Power flows from the consent of the governed, even in an autocracy, and we can withhold that consent, even if the price of that withholding is painful all around.
America is based on the consent of the governed, and its economic health requires the cooperation of the participants in the economy. If Americans withhold their political consent and economic cooperation, both the political and financial systems in America will grind to a halt.
What does withholding consent and cooperation look like? That is difficult to predict given the fluid situation, but the citizens of other nations that have grappled with similar challenges have used sustained and massive street protests, national work strikes, work slowdowns, taxpayer strikes, business boycotts, and transportation boycotts. To be clear, I am simply making an observation about how aspiring dictators in other countries have been brought to heel and held to account.
Soon, very soon, Americans will be called upon to leave the comfort of their homes and the anonymity of their computer screens to engage in massive, coordinated action to remind Trump and Musk that they are servants of the people, not vice-versa.
The brazen attempt by Convicted Felon Donald Trump and his sidekick Elon Musk to seize authoritarian control of the United States’ government accelerated dramatically in the past several days. (Or is it Elon Musk and his sidekick Donald Trump? Hard to tell sometimes.) It is an effort that can and should be called a coup. Yet it has been met, largely, with yawns.
That is very unfair, of course. Lots of Americans are livid, terrified, and sounding the alarm. But with a few notable exceptions, the leadership of the Democratic Party, the mainstream media, the business community, and the other centers of gravity in public life, including the majority of the American people, are variously unbothered, resigned, or at the very least insufficiently concerned to stand up and announce that we will not allow this unconstitutional seizure of power to stand.
As I’ve written before, I fully understand the exhaustion, the sense of fatalism, the lack of 2017-brand vigor, and the reasons behind that downbeat mood. I feel it too—and the other side brought it on very deliberately. We are also beset with a tsunami of calculated, eyepopping distractions, including—as this goes to press—the insane notion of the US occupying Gaza. But we have to rally, because what we are seeing is undeniably an illegal attempt to undermine, obliterate, or otherwise neutralize the mechanisms of American governance and consolidate all power under an autocratic, openly criminal president.
Doubt it? Let’s briefly survey some of the things that have gone in the mere fifteen days since Trump raised his stubby little fingers and didn’t put his hand on the Lincoln Bible and was sworn in as President of the United States for a second time.
THE WEEK THAT WAS
We can start with a chef’s tasting menu of some appetizers:
There was the raft of executive orders including an attempt to end birthright citizenship in violation of the 14th Amendment; the plan to re-open Guantanamo Bay as a concentration camp for deported migrants; the ending of temporary protective status for some 600,000 Venezuelans legally in the US and possibly also for Cubans, Haitians, and Nicaraguans; the attacks on trans people that literally put lives at risk; the white nationalist dictates ending any hint of DEI initiatives in the federal government; the directives mandating Pentagon televisions be tuned to Breitbart and Fox News; the scrubbing of government websites of any reference to LGBTQ+ matters, women’s health, and what the blogger Robert B. Hubbell calls “scientific knowledge in general,” and more.
These are all awful, and emblematic of our new far right wing regime—and several them cause great harm to various demographics of our fellow Americans. But they pale in comparison with the biggest development in Week 2 of Trumpmerica™ 2025, which was that a group of private individuals under the control of the President (or are they?) has illegally seized control of the US Treasury.
That group of private individuals, as we all know by now, consists of people from Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which demanded access to the sensitive Treasury Department computer system responsible for some $6 trillion in federal transactions annually. Treasury officials who objected were forced out, put on leave, or retired, including the man in charge of that network, David A. Lebryk, the department’s highest-ranking career official, with more than 35 years in service,. Once Lebryk was sidelined, Trump’s new Treasury Secretary, Scott Bessent, gave Musk and DOGE full access to the computer system, which covers Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid benefits, grants, salaries for federal employees, tax refunds, and payments to government contractors, including those of Musk’s own competitors.
Public policy expert Don Moynihan told a reporter that it felt “like a hostile takeover of the machinery of governments by the richest man in the world.” Gosh, you’d think that would alarm people, no?
We have since learned that this “team” of DOGE interlopers consists of six engineers, all male, aged 19 to 24, with no experience in government of course, some of whom are associated with yet another right wing billionaire-cum-Bond villain, Peter Thiel, who bankrolled JD Vance’s Senate run before he became Trump’s running mate.
A similar brute force takeover happened at the Small Business Administration, where the Muskovites got into that agency’s human resources, contracts, and payment systems, and the General Services Administration, where a Twitter employee called Nicole Hollander who claimed to be in charge “sent an email to regional managers telling them to begin ending the leases on federal offices,” according to Heather Cox Richardson. Apparently the process is also now underway at the Department of Education, where HCR reports that DOGE has “accessed sensitive internal data systems, including the personal information of millions of students who are taking part in the federal student aid program,” making good on Trump’s long-threatened (or promised) plan to close it entirely, which legally only Congress can do.
But a lot of this is stuff that legally only Congress can do. It’s functionally no different than if a group of armed insurgents broke into a government building and took power….and with the blessing of a rogue president who seeks to use these callow, pimple-faced tech world brownshirts as a private militia to establish one-man rule.
So while the courts wrangle over whether the Trump administration has the authority to usurp Congress’s constitutionally-directed power of the purse (spoiler alert: it does not), Musk’s plan is simpler: he has simply taken physical control of the mechanism of payment, such that he can choose which government programs to pay and which not, according to his (and/or Trump’s) personal desires. As Josh Marshall of Talking Points Memo wrote: “This is more or less like taking the gold from Fort Knox and putting it in Elon’s basement.”
Most alarming of all, DOGE seized control of USAID, the United States Agency for International Development, after Trump had announced (on day two in office) an immediate freeze on about $60 billion in foreign aid, except for military aid to Israel and Egypt, including humanitarian assistance to fight starvation and provide basic medical care for the globe’s most vulnerable populations. In case you think that’s a huge savings for the US taxpayer, please note that it amounts to less than 1% of the US budget annually. But on the bright side, sadists, it does mean the US is reneging on its promise of food aid to starving children. So there’s that.
It’s hard to overstate how stupid, cruel, and needlessly self-destructive the shutdown of USAID is in particular. Anyone even passingly familiar with the Marshall Plan understands the strategic value of this kind of soft power and what an insanely dumb move it is to cut it off, even apart from any moral considerations. Our enemies are high-fiving.
The immediate consequences of this are cataclysmic. Malnourished babies who depend on US aid will die. Anti-terrorism programs will shut down and our most deadly enemies will get stronger. Diseases that threaten the US will go unabated and reach our shores faster. And China will fill the void. As developing countries will now ONLY be able to rely on China for help, they will cut more deals with Beijing to give them control of ports, critical mineral deposits, etc. US power will shrink. US jobs will be lost.
The breaching of USAID by these children without security clearances also means that our national intelligence systems must now be considered insecure—par for the course for a president who himself stole TS/SCI information of the most sensitive nature and kept it stored in his bathroom. (Musk himself has been denied a high-level security clearance because of concerns about his relationships with foreign powers, principally China. Quite the crew, no?) In response to anger over his moves, Musk posted that “USAID is a criminal organization. Time for it to die.” He also called it “evil” and “viper’s nest of radical-left marxists (sic) who hate America.”
Across its various bureaucratic targets, this Gang of Six has connected non-government computer servers to the US personnel mainframes, seized private information about millions of federal employees, locked the senior Office of Personnel Management managers out of their own agency’s computers. Reportedly, they have moved sofa beds into the OPM offices and put the place into a “lockdown mode.” Mimicking his actions when he took over Twitter (right down to the subject line of the email), Musk then sent a memo offering millions of federal employees buyoffs if they would quit.
As the Yale historian and expert on authoritarianism Timothy Snyder notes, “Can American companies responsibly pay taxes to a US Treasury controlled by their private competitors?” Tesla made $2.3 billion last year and paid $0 in federal income tax. “Should other companies pay taxes that, for all they know, will just enrich Tesla’s owner?”
Elon Musk is not a federal employee, nor has he been appointed by the President nor approved by the Senate to have any leadership role in government. The ‘Department of Government Efficiency,’ announced by Trump in a January 20th executive order, is not truly any sort of government department or agency, and even the executive order uses quotes in the title. It’s perfectly fine to have a marketing gimmick like this, but DOGE does not have power over established government agencies, and Musk has no role in government. It does not matter that he is an ally of the President. Musk is a private citizen taking control of established government offices. That is not efficiency; that is a coup.
Remember back in 2021, when there was such debate over whether or not to pursue criminal prosecutions of Trump for trying to overturn the 2020 presidential election? At the time, it was common for those of us who argued for prosecution to say that a failed coup that goes unpunished becomes just a dry run. Well, that proved 100% correct, and we are seeing the second part of the formulation playing out right now, before our eyes
HE FOUGHT THE LAW, AND THE LAW LOST
In retrospect, it makes perfect strategic sense that Trump would try to seize the power of the purse as one of his first and most fundamental moves toward full-blown autocracy. But I don’t think many people thought he would do it so brazenly, or in concert with Auric Goldfinger, er I mean, Elon Musk.
But in concert with obtaining this stranglehold on the government’s finances, there is another equally alarming aspect to the ongoing coup, and that is the purging of the justice system and Intelligence Community and their transformation into a personal arm of vengeance on behalf of a mentally deranged convicted felon with access to the nuclear codes. (In case you were worried the James Bond plotline would not hold up.)
As of last Friday evening, the FBI told eight senior officials in charge of cybersecurity, national security, and criminal investigations to retire, resign, or be fired. The Special Agents in Charge (SAICs) of the major FBI field offices in Miami, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, Las Vegas, and Los Angeles were given that same ultimatum. The Bureau has also asked for a list of every agent across the US who worked on investigations of January 6 insurrectionists, demanding that they detail what their roles were in those investigations, and has already fired dozens of them. As of that same Friday evening, the acting US Attorney for Washington DC, Ed Martin—a longtime defender of January 6th insurrectionists—had fired some 30 US Attorneys who had been involved in J6 prosecutions. In similarly firing dozens of other federal prosecutors who worked on those cases, acting US Attorney General and Trump appointee James McHenry stated that he “does not trust” them “to assist in faithfully implementing the President’s agenda.”
“Think about that for a moment,” writes the blogger Robert B. Hubbell, one of the most clarion voices on this matter. “The convicted felons who attacked the Capitol have been pardoned and the loyal servants of the Constitution who prosecuted them have been fired.” That, former US Attorney Joyce Vance wrote In her own Substack newsletter, is the sort of thing that suggests “we are in the middle of a five-alarm fire.”
Heather Cox Richardson reports that the administration has also squashed federal cases against at least two Republican congressmen or former congressmen who were under investigation for election fraud of their own, one of whom has since introduced legislation that would allow Trump to run for a third term. And, of course, in his first week in office, Trump already fired 18 Inspectors General, including those at Defense, State, Transportation, Labor, HHS, Veterans Affairs, HUD, Interior, Energy, Commerce, Treasury and Agriculture as well as several independent agencies. As the Internet meme goes, firing the IGs is like spray painting the security cameras before the big heist.
While all this was going on, Kash Patel, Trump’s ghastly nominee to be FBI director, testified under oath during his Senate confirmation hearings that, to his knowledge (note the qualifier), there were no plans to punish any FBI agents who had worked on the cases against Trump, saying “no one will be terminated for case assignments,” and that “all FBI employees will be protected against political retribution.” And then he showed a PowerPoint presentation for a bridge in Brooklyn he’d like to sell us.
Speaking of those confirmation hearings, HCR notes that, per The Washington Post’s Aaron Blake, “while it is traditional for Cabinet nominees to pledge that they will refuse to honor illegal presidential orders, at least seven of Trump’s nominees have sidestepped that question.” Among them: Attorney General nominee Pam Bondi, Director of National Intelligence nominee Tulsi Gabbard, newly confirmed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Small Business Administration nominee Kelly Loeffler, VA Secretary nominee Doug Collins, and Commerce Secretary nominee Howard Lutnick. All insisted that the question was moot, because Trump would never issue an illegal order. Yet the Senate may well confirm Patel to head the FBI, an agency he has all but publicly pledged to destroy, Gabbard as DNI despite her coziness with Moscow and with the deposed Syrian dictator Bashir al-Assad, and RFK Jr as the Dr. Josef Mengele Chair in Public Health. Just yesterday morning, Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, a medical doctor widely seen as a potential obstacle to Bobby’s confirmation, but also a man facing re-election in 2026 in his ruby red home state, voted to advance the vaccine-skeptical, whale-decapitating, bear cub-absconding nepo baby and former junkie for consideration by the full Senate.
Somebody send Dr. Bill a copy of the Hippocratic oath—I don’t think he’s seen it.
APPETITE FOR DESTRUCTION
It’s all of a piece, of course.
“On Friday, January 31, 2025, Trump moved to complete the coup he began on January 6, 2021,” the aforementioned Robert Hubbell writes, in what he calls, without exaggeration, “an effort by Trump to overthrow the Constitution and establish himself as the unbounded dictator of the United States.”
Hubbell notes “the obvious coordinated nature of the unprecedented attacks on the DOJ, FBI, Office of Personnel Management, Treasury Department, and dozens of other agencies. Taken together, those actions amount to a hostile takeover of the US government by those who are loyal to Trump rather than to the US Constitution. The only word that accurately describes that situation is ‘coup’. Any other description is a sign of fear, submission, or surrender.”
“The longer we fail to recognize the current situation for what it is,” he argues, “the longer it will take for us to recover.”
In a Substack piece called “The Logic of Destruction,” Timothy Snyder writes:
The people who now dominate the executive branch of the government….are acting, quite deliberately, to destroy the nation. For them, there is no such thing as an America, or Americans, or democracy, or citizens, and they act accordingly. Now that the oligarchs and their clients are inside the federal government, they are moving, illegally and unconstitutionally, to take over its institutions.
Snyder explains that decades of telling the public that “government is bad” (looking at you, Ronald Reagan) were pre-conditioning for the coup we are now experiencing, one in which billionaires have cast themselves as the heroes riding in on white horses, and I do mean white.
“Theirs is a logic of destruction,” Snyder writes. “It is very hard to create a large, legitimate, functioning government. The oligarchs have no plan to govern. They will take what they can, and disable the rest. The destruction is the point. They don’t want to control the existing order. They want disorder in which their relative power will grow.
I’m gonna pass the rock over to Tim now, because he don’t need no stinkin’ assist from me to explain how all the moving parts work together for ill:
Trump’s tariffs (which are also likely illegal) are there to make us poor. Trump’s attacks on America’s closest friends, countries such as Canada and Denmark, are there to make enemies of countries where constitutionalism works and people are prosperous. As their country is destroyed, Americans must be denied the idea that anything else is possible.
Deportations are a spectacle to turn Americans against one another, to make us afraid, and to get us to see pain and camps as normal. They also create busy-work for law enforcement, locating the “criminals” in workplaces across the country, as the crime of the century takes place at the very center of power.
The best people in American federal law enforcement, national security, and national intelligence are being fired. The reasons given for this are DEI and trumpwashing the past. Of course, if you fire everyone who was concerned in some way with the investigations of January 6th or of Russia, that will be much or even most of the FBI. Those are bad reasons, but the reality is worse: the aim is lawlessness: to get the police and the patriots out of the way.
In the logic of destruction, there is no need to rebuild afterwards. In this chaos, the oligarchs will tell us that there is no choice but to have a strong man in charge. It can be a befuddled Trump signing ever larger pieces of paper for the cameras, or a conniving Vance who, unlike Trump, has always known the plot. Or someone else.
OF SLEEP AND SHEEP
I thought of using a “sleepwalking” metaphor for this blog, but that’s wrong. We’re not asleep—we’re collectively wide awake, and seeing what’s happening right before our eyes, and acting like it’s just another Friday. (TGIF!)
No. The herd of sheep is the better analogy.
Joyce Vance contrasted the, uh, muted response to the Trump/Musk coup with the widespread public and Congressional outrage and pushback to Nixon’s Saturday Night Massacre in 1974:
(T)here wasn’t much more than a whimper from the public. Americans didn’t take to the streets. Nothing like the pink pussy hats of 2016 was evident. Some people talked about how horrible it was, but for the most part Americans went about their business.
Why are so relatively few Americans furious about what’s going on? It might be partly due to the media diet most of America is relentlessly fed. Can you imagine what Fox News would say if Kamala Harris and George Soros were doing this?
Now, I feel compelled to note that some on the left—like Harvard Law Professor Jay Michaelson—have angrily rebutted the “no one’s doing anything” narrative, slamming it as doomsaying that plays into Republican hands while—ironically—doing nothing substantive to stop the crisis. He also argues that some folks are indeed acting aggressively to respond to the coup.
It’s true that there was a large protest outside the US Treasury building on Tuesday….that unions like AFGE and SEIU have filed suit against the Treasury Department, and that other NGOs are engaged in similar lawsuits….that Hakeem Jeffries has announced lawsuits over the IG firings (and even better, is deftly using parliamentary procedure to minimize the GOP’s already slim House majority)….that eighteen state attorneys general have challenged Trump’s attempt to end birthright citizenship….that the ACLU and the National Treasury Employees Union and GLAD Law and the National Center For Lesbian Rights have filed suits involving immigration policy and Schedule F and trans rights. (The New Republic’s Michael Tomasky has long argued that the resistance in this second Trump administration will be “smarter” than the first time around, and more focused on lawsuits than on street protests. “More facts, less outrage,” as he puts it.)
Good on them, and more of that please.
But I strongly disagree with Michaelson that the MSM has reported the crisis adequately, and that people like me are “attacking journalists” whom, he says, are already “being threatened by the FBI.” It is flat-out wrong to equate intimidation by the government or its right wing vigilante auxiliaries with a reasonable demand that major media outlets report the current crisis more accurately. When I first saw the news about Musk gaining control of a key mechanism of the US Treasury late last Saturday night, I expected to wake up to 32 point headlines all across the media expressing outrage. Instead it was an afterthought below the fold. That is not the kind of coverage that this emergency requires. Yes, there are many individual journalists doing yeoman’s work on this topic, including many I have quoted and referenced here. But the Fourth Estate is largely is on its ass, with some—like the Washington Post, the paper I grew up with, that led the charge during Watergate—actively kowtowing to the Administration, which is heartbreaking. Not sure the Gray Lady—which once published the Pentagon Papers—is doing much better, with headlines like, “With Gaza Plan, an Unbound Trump Pushes an Improbable Idea.”
Michaelson is certainly correct that merely complaining is not enough, and it’s more useful to call your congressman, get out and protest, or give to organizations like the ones mentioned above. “Just like we should not obey in advance, we should not panic in advance either.” Fair enough. But I don’t think the two approaches are at odds. There are a multitude of things we can do, and banging the drum is one of them—necessary but not sufficient.
So even though some hardy souls are pushing back admirably against the coup, what we are NOT seeing is widespread outrage among the bulk of the American people. Maybe that’s not a surprise, since they re-elected Trump in the first place. But you would think that seeing what Elon Musk and his teenaged wrecking crew are up to might get a larger chunk of the American populace at least a little bit upset.
AVOID THE ROMAINE
On that point, where is the mainstream Democratic Party in all this? Shouldn’t its leaders be out on the barricades, leading the opposition? Uh, yes. But after Musk executed his Baader-Meinhof style occupation of the government’s financial network, the WaPo reported with No Discernible Irony: “Democrats have strongly criticized the idea of giving Musk surrogates access to the payment systems.”
That’ll stop ‘em.
Way back in 2017, after the firing of Jim Comey—arguably the first openly authoritarian move Trump made—John Oliver noted that checks and balances only work “if someone fucking checks and balances.”
And if you don’t, it’s no longer on Trump, it’s on you, because when you’ve got the presidential equivalent of a five-year-old shitting on the salad bar of a Ruby Tuesday’s, at some point you stop blaming the five-year-old and you start blaming the people who are not stopping him.
Here’s a deeply alarming sentence: “Senate Democrats are divided over how hard they should fight to resist Trump’s agenda, with Democrats up for reelection in battleground states looking for areas of compromise.”
AYFKM?
As The Hill reports, seven Senate Democrats voted to confirm Kristi Noem as Secretary of Homeland Security, where she will oversee the mass deportation plan, and 25 Democrats and Angus King (I-Maine), who caucuses with Democrats, voted to confirm Doug Burgum as Secretary of the Interior, who will oversee the plan to increase oil and gas drilling on federal lands. Another seven (again including King) voted to confirm Chris Wright, CEO of a fracking company, as Secretary of Energy.
The Hill quotes Democratic strategist Christy Setzer:
“Democratic leadership acts like it’s permanently 2006, a year when, yes, we took back the Senate, but also before the Republican Party found a cult leader and lost its collective minds. We don’t live in that world anymore; we have a lifelong conman and convicted felon in the Oval Office who tries every day to turn this country into a dictatorship. Let’s start acting like it. That means you can’t be mad about Trump trying to freeze government spending in the morning, and vote for his Treasury secretary—who will destroy the economy—in the afternoon. Stop helping Trump.“
Some elected Dems know what time it is. One is Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland—who physically stood in front of the USAID headquarters this week to protest Musk’s actions—as is Senator Brian Schatz of Hawaii, who has pledged to stall on all Trump nominees until USAID is restored to its former self. Another, as I have noted before, is Connecticut Senator Chris Murphy, who said last week: “I’m not voting for a single nominee while this crisis over federal spending persists, and I don’t think we should proceed to any legislation until Republicans stand up and start helping us protect democracy.” The Hill again:
Murphy argued that voters around the country won’t fully accept the alarms Democrats have raised about Trump’s agenda until they see Democratic senators and House members deploying every tactic they can to fight it in Washington.
“I do not think that we will be able to convince people that this is a serious, grave moment if we are helping them populate a deeply corrupt government and helping them pass legislation here,” he said. “We are wondering why people out there are not rising up in the way that they did in 2017, even though Trump’s conduct is worse,” Murphy said. “I think they watch us supporting his policies and his nominees and come to the conclusion it must not be that bad.”
Preach.
*********
In part two of this essay, coming soon, we’ll look at what to do—and not do—when your government is under attack from within.
As I wrote last week, President Convicted Felon Donald Trump’s first five days in office were a grim augury. It has only gotten worse in the ensuing three.
The most alarming incidents were the Friday Night Massacre of the critical mass of IGs, the suspension of virtually all foreign aid; and a freeze on all domestic federal funding, including monies already duly authorized by Congress. Like the previous week’s attempt to end birthright citizenship, all are deeply worrying, not just because of the specific policies in question (though those are plenty worrying), but because they represent a brazen power grab—that is, illegal attempts to vastly expand the power of the executive branch by fiat. They are also very obviously probes of our democracy’s beleaguered defenses to see if anyone—the GOP, Congressional Democrats, the judiciary (especially the Supreme Court), as well as the press and the general public—will push back in any substantive way.
So far, few have. More on that in a bit.
But we’ve seen this movie before, in country after country that has come under assault by aspiring autocrats. We know how it ends, and it’s a lot like Old Yeller.
We are in a crisis like none before in American history, not even from 2017 to 2021, when unprecedented national emergencies became as regular as the firing of Jets head coaches. Yes, we have faced daunting external enemies from the Wehrmacht to Al Qaeda. But not since the Civil War have we faced a homegrown threat of this magnitude, and never one in this form.
The American people willingly elected as our president the most wantonly criminal and openly immoral public figure in our country. In his first week and a half in office, with all the levers of power at his disposal and virtually no checks on his bluntly announced intention to abuse them, he has set about rapidly dismantling American governance domestically and destroying our foreign policy globally, while preparing to enrich himself and his cronies through graft and corruption on a scale never before seen in a US president. Are we surprised?
No one in his craven party is willing to stand up and stop him, even when they know that vast damage is being done. The oligarchs of the business community are taking his side in hopes of benefiting themselves. Major outlets in the mainstream media are sanewashing his efforts. The opposition party by and large is acting as if this is politics as usual and bringing its customary featherduster to a flamethrower fight.
Every rational observer knew that this was where we were headed with his election (or re-election, I should say, to make it even more bitter). But few thought it would happen so fast or to such extremes. Donald Trump is the moral equivalent of the California wildfires, and in just a month or two, American life may well resemble that same sort of smoking wasteland.
PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE FREEZE-OUT
You can learn a lot about military terminology —and the French language, and a little Spanish too—by watching Trump. January 6th and the maneuvers that led up to it were an autogolpe—a self-coup, or at least an attempt at one. What we’re seeing now is more of a coup de main.
Trump has long signaled his infantile desire to be a dictator: in his shameless fanboying for foreign tyrants like Putin, Orbán, Xi, Erdoğan, and Duterte; in his fondness for a neo-autocratic system (“I have an Article II where I have the right to do whatever I want”); and most brazenly, in his overt declarations to that end, like musings about a third term, or worse. Thanks to the justice system’s failure to move swiftly and hold him accountable, and to the Supreme Court’s despicable, openly dishonest willingness to pronounce him above the law, we are now seeing those factors bear poisonous fruit.
Trump infamously said he’d be a dictator only on “day one.” That appears to have been a pretty severe underestimation of how long he’d like that gig. As the blogger Robert B. Hubbell wrote this week:
He is no longer operating within the pale of the law. On Monday, January 27, Trump dropped all pretense of being a “president” within the meaning of Article II of the US Constitution and began wielding power for his own benefit and without regard for constitutional restrictions.
Some bonus authoritarian moves, also carried out yesterday: Trump also fired more than a dozen prosecutors who worked on investigations into his criminal activities, and had the acting US Attorney for Washington DC open an investigation of the prosecutors who worked on Special Counsel Jack Smith’s J6 team. As Hubbell notes: “While some presidents have secretly used the FBI, IRS, and DOJ to investigate their political foes, no president in the history of our nation has publicly ordered the DOJ to investigate his perceived political enemies, much less fire them.” By contrast, his threat to invade the sovereign territory of a NATO ally barely moves the needle. It’s a sliding scale of outrages these days.
But let’s drill down a little more on the federal funding freeze.
Slate’s Mark Joseph Stern reports that the “scope of this power-grab is impossible to overstate, as are its devastating ramifications.” He also notes that this is actually the same “impoundment” process that Trump used to illegally block funds allocated for Ukraine, an action that got him impeached the first time, in 2019.
The list of programs that would have been affected is nearly endless: It appeared to include Medicaid, children’s health insurance, HIV/AIDS care, addiction treatment, nutrition assistance, housing vouchers, education funding, law enforcement, farmers’ aid, infrastructure projects, early childhood education, disaster relief—and that’s just the start. Millions of Americans, especially in low-income communities, rely on these programs for food, shelter, health care—in short, survival.
But we know that for Trump the cruelty is incidental—if not the point. (Can we make that a permalink? Because Adam Serwer’s formulation appears in almost every issue of this blog.) Stern again:
(T)he upshot is clear: President Donald Trump wants to seize control of the spending power from Congress in order to paralyze large portions of the government, canceling duly enacted appropriations by executive decree. This move is flatly illegal, a flagrant breach of federal law as well as the president’s own constitutional obligations.
As Ed Kilgore writes in New York Magazine, “Letting Trump delay or cancel any appropriation he doesn’t like really would abolish Congress’s constitutionally enumerated spending power, and give the president the kind of power only true dictators enjoy.” That is precisely the idea, and as Stern writes, deliberately “tees up a massive legal battle that will test whether this Supreme Court is willing to put any restraints on a president who seeks to rule as a dictator.”
On that front, there have been a couple of mildly encouraging moments.
Late today a federal judge temporarily blocked that federal funding freeze from going into effect, much as, last week, another federal judge temporarily blocked the attempt to end birthright citizenship. Indeed, these brave acts by the oft-maligned federal judiciary constitute the most robust resistance thus far to Trump’s aggressive Adolf-like campaign to consolidate power. So let’s say those federal judges’ names, because they deserve the honor. In the funding case, it was US District Judge Loren AliKhan; in the birthright case, US District Judge John C. Coughenour, who called Trump’s edict “blatantly unconstitutional,” adding, “I have difficulty understanding how a member of the bar could state unequivocally that this is a constitutional order. It just boggles my mind.”
But the danger remains. What happens when those cases get up to Trump’s handpicked SCOTUS? Will these lower court rulings ultimately be mere speed bumps on the road to a fascist autocracy? Trump’s legal team has apparently constructed a tortured Rube Goldberg-style “originalist” rationalization for the funding freeze, but Stern wonders whether even the bought-and-paid-for right wing supermajority on the Supreme Court will go along with it, as the Constitution is so clear on the matter of Congress’s ultimate authority in this area.
Trump could have created a more favorable test case to press his theory, targeting some arguably wasteful spending with little impact on people’s lives. Instead, he swung one of the biggest axes he could find…..And the justices do not appreciate being treated like a rubber stamp.
Then again, until last July no one thought they’d rule that Trump was a king, either.
Stern assigns some of the blame to the Court itself for this current mess:
In their zeal to create a “unitary executive,” the conservative justices issued a series of opinions abolishing traditional restrictions on presidential power. It was inevitable that Trump would push this precedent to the limit, then keep going; given how much he had already gotten away with, why not swing even bigger this time?
If the court does not draw the line at impoundment, it is difficult to envision what checks remain on the presidency. This is a five-alarm fire for American democracy. And even if the Supreme Court extinguishes it, the conservative justices will bear some responsibility for the scorched earth left behind.
The question is whether they will care.
APPEASEMENT, COLLABORATION, AND FECKLESSNESS, LLP
One thing we learned in Trump 1.0—or should have—is that It Always Turns Out Even Worse Than We Feared. And we feared it would be pretty bad in Trump 2.0. You can’t see me sitting here at my keyboard, typing this, but I’m doing an audible cartoon gulp at what that portends for the next four years.
Only nine days ago, on the eve of the inauguration. I wrote a blog called “Twenty-One Months,” aimed at boosting our morale by noting how short the timeline is for Trump to enact his agenda, and how soon we will have the opportunity to constrain him legislatively in the midterms. Now that feels naïve to say the least. If this brazen power grab continues, there may be no midterms in 21 months, or ever, except Potemkin ones.
Things are going on in this White House that in 2017—or, indeed, at any previous time in American history—would have prompted outraged protest in the streets and aggressive pushback within Congress. But this time, largely crickets. Well, not crickets, but certainly not a deafening swarm of cicadas.
With relatively few exceptions, like AOC, the Democratic Party is completely useless. Even otherwise heroic figures like now-Senator Adam Schiff seem unable to navigate this treacherous new terrain. Yes, voting to confirm Rubio to preserve capital to oppose RFK and Tulsi and Drunken Pete and Ka$h might have been reasonable in past administrations, , but it’s inconceivable that past administrations would have nominated a rogues’ gallery like that, or proposed that the villains to run Gotham City. In this moment, obstructionism should be absolute, IMHO. (I’m sorry, sir! I’m still a fan, but please make thick your blood and screw your courage to the sticking place.)
The Fourth Estate is no better. This week on the Internet, I watched the otherwise sane and savvy policy expert Ian Bremmer spend a half hour discussing Trump’s foreign policy (such as it is) as if he were just another conventional politician, and pooh-poohing the idea that he poses a threat to democracy. The Washington Post, which is run by billionaire Jeff Bezos when he’s not dressed in a French maid’s outfit and cleaning the toilets at Mar-a-Lago, has lately run a series of fawning pro-Trump columns including a recent one by Shadi Hamid that reads like it was ghost-written by the doctor who once proclaimed Trump to be more or less superhuman. I won’t link to any of that trash, because Trumpist propaganda doesn’t need any more help, but you can seek it out if you wish. It won’t fill you with confidence that the MSM is going to save us.
Among journalists, one of the most clarion voices calling out the danger has been Rebecca Solnit. It is via her that I came across the aforementioned Robert Hubbell, who writes, “It is time for the institutions fighting for democracy to drop the niceties and begin calling Trump for what he is.”
Many institutions are still treating Trump as though he is a “normal” president, albeit one subject to making impulsive, ignorant statements. Criticizing his actions is not enough. The story of his first week is not that ‘Trump has shaken things up,’ or that he is “flooding the zone.” It is that Trump has begun to ignore the law at whim.
(But) Trump is unable to act like a dictator unilaterally. He needs the consent, acquiescence, and apathy of enough people to frustrate the normal operation of constitutional and legal checks and balances. We must not grant that assistance to Trump. We must resist. We must say in plain language that he is acting like a dictator who holds himself above the law. Whether he gets away with the audacious gambit is up to the people from whom all constitutional power flows.
This is it, as our British friends like to say. As experts from Masha Gessen to Tim Snyder to Gene Sharp have observed, even in the worst police states, most power is freely given to the authorities…..and we collectively are freely giving this tinhorn Mussolini license to become the despot he so plainly longs to be. There is an old adage that a nation gets the government that it deserves. Unfortunately, that collective “nation” includes lots of innocent folks who vehemently oppose Trump and Trumpism, but are caught up in this monstrosity foisted upon us by a vile far right minority, and an apathetic, low-information majority.
But the corollary, then, is that if the people alone can give power to a tyrant, we can also take it away again.
BULLET TRAIN TO PALOOKAVILLE
The backbone shown by some federal district judges is encouraging. Maybe they’ll inspire the Mudville Nine a little higher up the chain, though I’m not counting on it. Likewise those stalwart voices in the press: might they shame the Post and the Times and others who are currently bending the knee to the White House? In the words of Brian Wilson, wouldn’t it be nice?
But ultimately the pressure has to come from us, the public. A few brave judges and a few bold journalists and one Bronx congresswoman cannot carry the load alone.
Is the time for a general strike fast approaching? Maybe. It’s an option of nearly last resort. But the death train to totalitarianism is traveling a lot faster than even the most pessimistic among us predicted. Last week, I concluded by saying how worried I am that we are drifting toward an Orbán-style autocracy. Let me correct that. Turns out we are not “drifting” toward it so much as rocketing there on a shinkansen.
I’m almost afraid to see what next week will bring.
**********
Illustration: Seen on Etsy; artist unknown. But it might just be a picture of Dorian Gray situation.
As the Boomtown Rats sang, I don’t like Mondays, and this coming Monday January 20th promises to be my all-time least favorite.
There is a palpable sense that we are entering a dark new chapter in American history, and there is good reason to feel that way, because our incoming overlords have gleefully promised it. The New Deal era is dead. It had a good run—49 years—but the 44 subsequent years of the Reagan Revolution (a counter-revolution, really) unwound much of it, thanks to a relentless campaign by tenacious and deep-pocketed plutocrats, in alliance with cultural reactionaries (religious fanatics, racists, misogynists, John Birchers, et al), shielded by their increasing control of the courts (thanks, Leonard Leo!), and abetted above all by a massive right wing propaganda machine that now dominates mainstream American media.
So the dawn of Convicted Felon Donald Trump’s second term marks the Age of Roosevelt’s final curtain call. Oddly, in retrospect, his win in 2016 feels like only a preview, and the four years of Joe Biden a mere respite, like Adolf’s exile from ’23 to ’33, before a foolish citizenry and a hapless political system allowed him to retake power. Not to reach for too baroque a comparison, but it’s apt.
So yeah, Monday doesn’t look too inviting.
It is fitting, of course, that Inauguration Day will coincide with a blast of Arctic air that will plunge Washington DC into the single digits, forcing the—ahem—festivities indoors, and as ABC reports, leaving “the vast majority” of ticket-holding Trump fans shut out. Talk about a pair of on-the-nose metaphors. That it coincides with MLK Day is a different kind of bitter coincidence.
It’s also telling that Mike Johnson has ordered the US flag—currently at half-staff for a month of mourning for President Jimmy Carter—raised again for the day, to soothe the petty petty incoming president’s eggshell-fragile ego. Presumably he did so under pressure, if not as the result of a direct order, though with tyrants there is often no need for such an order, or even a Henry II-like whisper about meddlesome priests. The myrmidons instinctively know what the Dear Leader wants and what will please him, giving him the bonus of plausible deniability for upcoming crimes far worse than dissing Jimmy Carter.
Once the second Trump administration gets underway, I am not sure that I will be able to muster the same righteous fury over every daily outrage like I did during the first go-round of this nightmare. I suspect many of you feel the same. In some ways that may be a good thing, at least for our mental health. Back then it was all fresh and new and every day we looked at each other and asked, “Can you believe this shit???” Now we are inured to it, and no longer surprised. That is also bad, of course, and not to say that we should accept it. A sense of defeat and resignation is exactly what the autocrats want from us.
So, lo, I bring you a little bit of good news, which is that the clock is already rapidly ticking on the new regime. Just 21 months remain before the midterms—21 and a half, to be exact—on Tuesday, November 3, 2026.
Don’t roll your eyes. Yes, we just saw the American people willingly return to office the worst president in US history, so putting our faith in the wisdom of the voting public doesn’t look too appealing right now. And yes, even if we were to do so, there is a real danger that the GOP will use these next 21 months to further rig the electoral system to ensure that it stays in power permanently, whether the people want it or not. But so long as any semblance of free and fair elections remain in place, we have the chance to oust the party of open autocracy from at least one institution—the House—in less than two years, which would be a huge brake on the Trump agenda.
We all know that midterms traditionally favor the party that is out of power (see 2018). It could be especially so this time around, with the potential for buyers’ remorse among casual and low-information Trump supporters running high. The GOP’s House majority is only five seats—thin as thin can be, and there is enormous conflict within it, particularly from its far right “Freedom Caucus.” Even with shameless Republican gerrymandering, Trump’s inevitable overreach and screwups in make it a real possibility that Democrats could retake the chamber. (The Senate looks a bit harder, as Democrats would need to net four seats to regain control, and faced with a difficult map.)
I realize it sounds somewhat naïve to talk in these old school horserace terms when the Trump administration may have completely eviscerated American democracy by then. (We’ll see; that sort of transformation might prove harder than it looks.) But if we’ve lost faith in electoral politics altogether, then we are in a completely different conversation. The sharper question is whether the Democratic Party and other pro-democracy opposition movements in the US have the wherewithal to do what needs to be done to win.
But any way you look at it, November 2026 is barreling towards us with the inexorable momentum of a runaway locomotive. The only question is: who’s it gonna run over?
TAKE THIS JOB AND SHOVE IT
Trump is at the high water mark of his political career, with the possible exception of a few months from now if he succeeds in consolidating power even more and crushing all opposition as part of establishing his neo-fascist regime. But soon it will all inevitably begin to crumble.
As many have noted, Trump loves to run for office, and is undeniably good at it, the way demagogues and cheaters tend to be. But he is shitty at governing—the way incompetent greedheads and mental defectives tend to be—and soon he and his party, with control of all three branches of government, are going to own the ensuing shitshow. If you look at the trajectories of almost all US presidencies, the hope and optimism (and frequently, empty promises) with which they all begin almost inevitably end in anger and recrimination and thermostatic hostility from the electorate, deserved or not. Ask Joe Biden. It will be no different with Trump, and given his chaotic non-leadership style and general incompetence, likely much much worse.
In The New Republic, Jason Linkins seizes on this dynamic when he suggests that we “shove the Presidency down Trump’s throat.”
Trump is a bog-standard rich white guy whom the justice system is largely incapable of bringing to heel. He has powerful friends (oligarchs, Supreme Court justices), deep pockets, and a well-tempered ability to joust in the media.
There is no way that a Trump presidency does not end in absolute chaos and vast damage and destruction on multiple fronts, from the return of polio to a federal abortion ban to various foreign policy disasters. How much people will give a shit is a separate matter. But since we Americans seem to care almost exclusively about our wallets, let’s focus on that.
With the notion that he is a champion of working people, Trump voters were sold the biggest bill of goods in modern American history—and, sadly, I include in that number some very dear friends and even loved ones. I will have very limited sympathy for them when it all goes Pete Tong. But as the opposition, it should be our goal to expose that con and wake these folks up. Yeah, he’ll inherit a historically robust economy—and oh, the injustice of that—but he will soon screw it up by skewing the system even more to benefit the rich, and the working and middle classes and the poor will pay the price.
In a recent Twitter video, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) laid it out very plainly. I’m going to quote it in full, because it is so clear and so direct:
So why is Trump talking about invading (or) buying Greenland, the Panama Canal? It’s because he’s trying to distract you.
The basic, bottom-line agenda for Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress is simple. They want to pass a massive tax cut for billionaires and corporations—all of Trump’s friends at Mar-a-Lago. And they want to pay for it by cutting benefits for seniors on Medicare, and poor children and families on Medicaid. That’s the bill they want to push through in the first 60 days of the new Congress.
Donald Trump doesn’t want you to know that. Republicans don’t want you to pay attention to the theft that is going to occur early in this year: another massive tax break to pad the pockets of the wealthiest people in the country, financed by devastating cuts to seniors and to poor children. And so this week it’s Greenland and the Panama Canal; who knows what it will be next week? But it is all an effort to distract you from the basic foundational agenda of Donald Trump: stealing from the middle class and the poor to pad the pockets of the wealthy and his corporate friends.
That is absolutely the Rosetta Stone of Trumpism. All the racism, misogyny, transphobia, Christian nationalism and the rest is very real, and very scary. But ultimately, for Trump and Musk and the mandarins of the GOP and the donor class that supports them, it is all in the service of this single, very simple, avaricious goal. Because that has been the animating principle behind right wing opposition to the New Deal, and the impetus for Reaganomics, and every other aspect of the Republican agenda, since 1932.
Don’t believe it? Witness the parade of billionaires filling Convicted Felon Donald Trump’s Cabinet and rushing to curry favor and be by his side, including the richest man in the world, Elon Musk himself, who will literally have an office in the White House. Or do you think that allegation of reverse Robin Hoodery is a level of mustache-twirling villainy too outrageous even for Trump? Lest we forget, in 2019 Trump and his children Eric and Ivanka and their family foundation were fined $2 million by a New York state judge and had the family foundation dissolved for illegally diverting charitable contributions— including to a children’s cancer charity—for personal and political purposes, a process commonly known as “stealing”
This past week, Convicted Felon Donald Trump’s nominee for Secretary of the Treasury, Scott Bessent, had the huevos to sit in front of the Senate Banking Committee and speak in apocalyptic terms about how a failure to renew and extend the 2017 Trump tax cuts for the rich—you know, the one that added $1.7 trillion to the federal debt—would destroy the middle class, even though it overwhelmingly benefited the rich at the expense of the middle class. Because, trickle down I guess?
In an interview with Greg Sargent in The New Republic, the journalist Casey Michel notes that what we are seeing is “a global cast of characters of generally authoritarian regimes….that are now salivating at the prospect” of the new Trump administration. (Sargent points out that both Trump’s chief of staff Susie Wiles, and his AG, Pam Bondi, were both registered foreign lobbying agents, not to mention the numerous foreign deals of Jared Kushner and the whole Trump Organization.) Michel:
(W)e have seen these plutocratic elements and things like the Gilded Age with robber barons in American history, but we have never seen such a singular cohort of so many deep-pocketed individuals with direct access to the White House. And beyond that, we have certainly never seen a president like Donald Trump who completely blurs and dissolves the lines between private interests and public policy….
They will not be targeted with sanctions. They will not be prosecuted. They will not be investigated. And frankly, they can use their money as much as these American oligarchs are in terms of influencing and accessing the Trump White House. This is really what it portends: an opening to any deep pocketed individual, whether American or not, to the White House, to the highest rungs of American power.
I doubt this is what the average American wants. The question is, can we cut through the fog of demagoguery, disinformation, and distraction enough to show them that this is happening? I am here to suggest that we can, because Trump & Co. will be so shameless and clumsy in declining even to hide it. Indeed: they seem openly proud. If the people of the United States have sunk so low that we will in fact applaud that—as Trump seems to believe, either out of arrogance or cynicism—then we are well and truly screwed, and deserve what we get.
But I’m not yet ready to believe that.
How long will the American people put up with openly being made shmucks by the richest among us, who are laughing while they do it? As Benjamin Wallace-Wells writes: “A billionaire is in the White House, claiming to have the interests of the working class at heart, with the world’s richest man and his plentiful conflicts of interest operating alongside him. Democrats may be a party in crisis, but they should know how to fight this.”
If we do not seize control of that narrative and force the truth into the light, even for people who are stubbornly resistant to seeing it, it could certainly get worse, with even once reliably blue states like New Jersey bracing for downballot Republican candidates (in the governor’s race, for instance) who hope to emulate Trump.
From the Republican point of view, 21 and a half months is not a very long time to accomplish all that they want. They will have to move fast, and they will definitely try to do so. It’s true that Hitler destroyed Weimar Germany’s troubled democracy in just 53 days, but he was a far more disciplined tyrant. Many of the things Adolf did in that process— imposing massive tariffs on foreign goods, purging the bureaucracy of non-loyalists, threatening to turn the army loose against German civilians, promising the police impunity for acts of violence in suppressing dissent, deputizing goon squads like the SA as agents of the government, imprisoning his political opponents, arresting and deporting “undesirables,” offering amnesty and even lionization for his imprisoned followers—sound mighty familiar. And he did it all by legal means within the bounds of the Weimar constitution, and with the cowardly accession of the majority of German politicians, at least until the extralegal ploy of the Reichstag fire and the sweeping, PATRIOT Act-foreshadowing dictatorial powers that followed.
I’m not saying that’s going to happen here. But I’m also not saying it’s not impossible that it can’t happen here. (Got that?)
SEND IN THE CLOWNS
It’s an absolute certainty that the second Trump administration will be a clown car of dysfunction, and it will surely crash sooner or later; ain’t no doubt about that. Of course, a clown with a handgun can do a lot of damage in the mean time—not to mention a clown with the nuclear codes, and a compliant Supreme Court.
The Atlantic’s George Packer has argued that Trump’s coalition is “more fragile than it now seems,” which is undeniably true, even if it seems pretty fragile already.
(Trump) will surround himself with ideologues, opportunists, and crackpots, and because he has no interest in governing, they will try to fill the vacuum and turn on one another. The Trump administration, with a favorable Congress, will overreach on issues such as abortion and immigration, soon alienating important parts of its new coalition. It will enact economic policies that favor the party’s old allies among the rich at the expense of its new supporters among the less well-off.
It’s quite possible that, approaching 80, Trump will find himself once more among the least popular presidents in the country’s history. But in the meantime, he will have enormous latitude to abuse his power for enrichment and revenge, and to shred the remaining ties that bind Americans to one another, and the country to democracies around the world.
The coalition that got Trump re-elected was dedicated to one thing and one thing only: getting Trump re-elected. It is not designed to govern. It is a temporary alliance of special interests whose goals don’t necessarily align beyond believing that Convicted Felon Donald Trump was their best path back to power. But the members of that uneasy alliance don’t agree at all on what to do now that they’ve got It. There is no better example than the ongoing intramural fight between Musk and MAGA, over immigration specifically.
However, we can’t just count on Trump self-destructing. He has already self-destructed so many times and in so many different ways, and yet America has not punished him in any appreciable form, let alone deserted him. So we need to figure out how to make the public rediscover its gag reflex and craft a cohesive campaign against him and the kakistocracy he represents.
In that same WaPo poll, 40% of Americans express their confidence that Convicted Felon Donald Trump, who has said he would be a dictator—but just for a day—won’t really follow through. But just in case he does, Politico’s Asli Aydintasbas, formerly a journalist in Turkey under Erdoğan, offers this advice for combatting autocracy:
Trump’s return to power is unnerving but, as I have argued previously, America will not turn into a dictatorship overnight—or in four years. Even the most determined strongmen face internal hurdles, from the bureaucracy to the media and the courts. It took Erdoğan well over a decade to fully consolidate his power. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Law and Justice Party needed years to erode democratic norms and fortify their grip on state institutions.
Aydintasbas concedes that the United States is not immune to these patterns, but argues that our decentralized system of governance works to our advantage. (Franklin Foer makes a similar point in a recent article for The Atlantic about a new kind of blue state federalism as a hedge against Trump.)“Federal judges serve lifetime appointments, states and governors have specific powers separate from those granted federally, there are local legislatures, and the media has the First Amendment as a shield, reinforced by over a century of legal precedents.”
Sure, there are dangers, including by a Supreme Court that might grant great deference to the president. But in the end, Donald Trump really only has two years to try to execute state capture. Legal battles, congressional pushback, market forces, midterm elections in 2026 and internal Republican dissent will slow him down and restrain him. The bottom line is that the US is too decentralized in its governance system for a complete takeover.
Aydintasbas goes on to argue that we must not disengage—tempting as it is—but rather, stay connected. “Dancing, travel, meditation, book clubs—it’s all fine. But eventually, in Poland, Hungary and Turkey, opponents of autocracy have returned to the fight, driven by a belief in the possibility of change. So will Americans.” He also argues that the pro-democracy effort is itself re-energizing. “That’s why millions of Turks turned out to the polls and gave the opposition a historic victory in local governments across Turkey earlier this year. That’s how the Poles organized a winning coalition to vote out the conservative Law and Justice Party last year. It can happen here, too.”
Lastly, he counsels that the recriminations and infighting currently roiling the Democratic Party in the wake of Trump’s win are necessary in order to move forward, so long as the right lessons are learned, and a galvanizing candidate can be found to lead.
I’m gonna take him at his word.
IN THE MIDNIGHT HOUR
Let me emphasize in the strongest possible terms: in just 21 months we can deal Trump a major setback in the midterms and prevent some of his worst excesses from going any further. But that will depend entirely on what we do in the interim, including regrouping as a formidable opposition movement, obstructing him and his party at every step (rather than normalizing them with some feckless form of bipartisanship, which is tantamount to surrender), and above all, seizing control of the narrative to put the truth front and center and make it undeniable to all but the most brain-dead and Kool-Aid drunk.
Four years from now—or less—after Trump has done his damage and bottomed out and is a demented old man presiding over an epic shitshow riven with intra-Republican infighting, we may look back on this period when he was riding high and view it with vast irony. That moment is coming, but it can’t come soon enough….and it will be meaningless if we do not organize ourselves to capitalize on it.
Nothing lasts forever and the US is not the only part of the world that faces threats to democracy—and Americans are no different than the French, the Turks or Hungarians when it comes to the appeal of the far right. But in a country with a strong, decentralized system of government and with a long-standing tradition of free speech, the rule of law should be far more resilient than anywhere in the world.
Trump’s return to power certainly poses challenges to US democracy. But he will make mistakes and overplay his hand—at home and abroad. America will survive the next four years if Democrats pick themselves up and start learning from the successes of opponents of autocracy across the globe.
Preach.
When I was a young, newly commissioned infantry lieutenant, an old soldier told me that the key to getting through some of the highly challenging situations that awaited was to take each of them in small, psychologically manageable chunks. It was some of the best advice I ever got, and I use it all the time, even now, in all kinds of hard times…..this one included. If we think about the totality of four years of Trump, it’s too daunting and dispiriting—we’ll never make it. “You get through it day by day,” this old trooper told me. “Sometimes you get through it hour by hour.”
I expect to use that advice a lot in the coming 21 and a half months. But in the end, they will go by in a flash. Let’s make the most of them.
Today marks the fourth anniversary of one of the darkest days in US history, the violent invasion of the US Capitol and attack on Congress fomented by Donald Trump as part of his attempt to hold onto power after losing a free and fair election. If I had told you on that day that the American people would return the architect of that travesty to the Oval Office, would you have believed me?
Within just a few months, the GOP and even Trump himself went from calling it a “heinous attack” and declaring that “the demonstrators who infiltrated the Capitol have defiled the seat of American democracy” (Trump’s own words, in an address to the nation the next day) to excusing and even celebrating its perpetrators. That is because Trump soon realized that by inverting the narrative, he could help propel himself back into power. And he was right.
In other words, as many have observed, that auto-coup ultimately succeeded, even if it took four years to do so.
Two weeks from today, when Trump is inaugurated for a second term, he may well make good on his promise to pardon those insurrectionists. Can a parade for them down Pennsylvania Avenue at taxpayer expense be far behind? In the current political climate, as Matthew Yglesias cannily noted, even the suggestion that January 6th was in any way “bad” is cause for excommunication from the cult of personality that is the modern Republican Party. And that does not bode well for what will happen in his second term, to say the least.
But I am not here today to write about that, as many others have done so very eloquently. I am here to contemplate what the immediate future holds, and to do that, I want to focus on one recent incident and what it tells us about the current moment.
Of all these, the Vegas bombing piqued my interest the most.
The man behind that attack was an active duty Special Forces master sergeant named Matthew Livelsberger, assigned to the 1st Battalion 10th SF Group in Stuttgart, Germany. He was a veteran of multiple combat tours in Afghanistan, well-liked and professionally respected by his fellow Green Berets, and a vocal supporter of Donald Trump.
The pattern of veterans bringing the violence of war back home—and of mass murder using the weapons of war like battlefield rifles and car bombs—is largely a post-Vietnam phenomenon, and not unrelated, the writer Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz has long argued, to the application of violence by the state on foreign enemies. (And increasingly, domestic ones too.)
Livelsberger reportedly struggled with mental health issues related to his multiple deployments (including headaches, sleeplessness, depression, and other symptoms of PTSD), as well as hearing loss, and possibly neurological damage from years of hard parachute landings and exposure to weapons blasts. That shit is no joke. The press reports that his wife had also left him just days before he killed himself, right after Christmas, taking their infant daughter with her.
I have personal reasons for disliking the cliché of the troubled, homicidal vet, but when the combat boot fits….
I’m here to tell you that once those factors are in play, all bets are off. But Livelsberger’s military history is far from exculpatory when it comes to the political aspect of this tragedy. In fact, it only make the role of politics even stronger, marking him as yet another casualty of a previous Republican administration that sent thousands of American troops into harm’s way for a lie.
MUNICH ON THE POTOMAC
In a 400-word missive found on his cell phone in the wreckage of the detonated Tesla, Livelsberger left some clues to his motives, which speak not only to his mindset, but to the political waters in which he and so many others—the majority of whom are not grizzled professional warriors like him—bathe.
Most of it was straight-up, tiresome-by-now Fox News talking points attacking feminism, DEI, and the decline of “family values”; chauvinistic ranting about how America is greatest country on Earth; and a bemoaning of our imminent societal collapse due to liberalism, etc. He took a swipe at Kamala for being the beneficiary of affirmative action, instead of “a real President” like Trump (who totally got no help from anyone, as the white male son of a multimillionaire) and lamented the general lack of “respect for others” in our contemporary culture, even as he supported a politician who is the poster boy for that kind of vulgar disrespect.
That is all part of the anti-government mentality that the American right has been relentlessly propagating since the New Deal. Really, one can take it back to Reconstruction, or even to the dynamics that led to the Civil War itself. As Heather Cox Richardson writes:
Livelsberger’s notes reflect not reality but rather the political rhetoric in which many Americans have marinated since the 1950s: the idea that a government that regulates business, provides a basic social safety net, promotes infrastructure, and protects civil rights crushes the individualism on which America depends.
There was the predictable machismo and sexism. “Focus on strength and winning,” he wrote. “Masculinity is good and men must be leaders. Strength is a deterrent and fear is the product,” He noted that “(o)ur population is too fat to join the military yet we are facing a war with China, Russia, North Korea and Iran before 2030.” (Link mine. See also here.)
Two of the most surprising lines, for me were: “The income inequality in this country and cost-of-living is outrageous,” and “Greed and gluttony has consumed us. The top 1% decided long ago they weren’t going to bring everyone else with them. You are cattle to them.” Dangerously close to Marxist class warfare, no? Of course, he went on to suggest that the best solution would be to turn the government over to two billionaires.
But needless to say, that sort of ass-backwards thinking is commonplace on the right, a measure of how successfully the Barnumesque long con of trickle down economics and faux populism has been perpetrated on so much of the country. (Livelsberger also lamented “self enrichment perpetuated by our senior political and military leaders. We are done with the blatant corruption.” Who’s going to tell him?)
In a more poignant moment, he indicted himself for succumbing to that materialist mindset, writing: “I am a prime example of having it all but it never being enough.” He also cited some more traditional PTSD-driven motives, declaring, “Our soldiers are done fighting wars without end states or clear objectives,” and writing of the bombing he was about to commit: “Why did I personally do it now? I needed to cleanse my mind of the brothers I’ve lost and relieve myself of the burden of the lives I took.”
But amid the self-reflection, there was a much uglier side as well. CNN reports that investigators also released a second, shorter letter also found on his phone, in which Livelsberger proposed a scheme of maneuver for the violent obliteration of Trump’s opponents by way of “saving” America:
Occupy every major road along fed buildings and the campus of fed buildings by the hundreds of thousands. Lock the highways around down with semis right after everybody gets in. Hold until the purge is complete. Try peaceful means first, but be prepared to fight to get the Dems out of the fed government and military by any means necessary. They all must go and a hard reset must occur for our country to avoid collapse.
While he was enthusiastic about using of violence at home, Sergeant Livelsberger was far less keen on using it abroad, which is weird since that was his job. The very first point he made in his list of prescriptions for how to fix America was: “We must end the war in Ukraine with negotiated settlement. It is the only way.”
What the fuck, over?
This is not a sort of coolheaded, sophisticated realpolitik that recognizes the limits of military force as a tool of policy. It is craven, Kremlin-abetting surrender to brutal aggression: the kind of thing that American conservatives once abhorred and derided. (I’m speaking of the right’s longtime hawkish majority, not its isolationist minority.) Once upon a time, Republicans and other conservatives sneered at that mentality. Appeasement, they called it! For decades, in virtually any international crisis, the specter of Chamberlain and Munich was recklessly invoked whenever a politician, journalist, or other figure dared suggest that maybe going to war was not the best idea. But no more.
And coming from a professional soldier, a veteran NCO from 10th Group no less, whose geographic area of concentration is Europe, it’s especially distasteful. The SF motto isDe oppresso liber: to free the oppressed. But I guess I missed the fine print that reads, “Except when Putin and Trump aren’t cool with it.”
It’s true that a negotiated solution may be the ultimate outcome in Ukraine, but not because it’s the just and honorable thing to do. The strong take what they will and the poor into endure they must, not to get too Peloponnesian about it. With Trump headed back to the White House and Putin doing cartwheels in hall of the Kremlin as a result, Volodymyr Zelinskyy is considering the best possible deal he can get as his country when facing the obliteration of his country full stop at the hands of Moscow, with Washington’s groveling assistance. For an American warrior to applaud that is appalling. But that is now the Kremlin-driven party line of the erstwhile GOP, as propagated by Putin’s allies at Fox News and the rest of the right wing mediasphere.
MANIFEST DESTINY
So when does a suicide note cross the line into “manifesto”? Livelsberger’s writings are really the former, Luigi Mangione’s self-consciously the latter. But these days any sort of epistle connected to an act of political violence feels like it’s in that category. (Ted Kaczynski’s 75 page screed remains the GOAT, and the model.)
And some of Livelsberger’s musings do sound positively Unabomber-ish. (“A lot of us are just sitting around waiting to die. No sunlight, no steps, no fresh air, no hope. Our children are addicted to screens by the age of two. We are filling our bodies with processed foods.”) There’s also a whiff of Colonel Kurtz-like dictation, harkening back to a fictional Green Beret.
In closing, Livelsberger wrote: “This was not a terrorist attack, it was a wake up call. Americans only pay attention to spectacles and violence. What better way to get my point across than a stunt with fireworks and explosives?” Well, that’s the Fanonist argument that all terrorists make, isn’t it? In Resisting the Right, I make the case that we need to start viewing the American epidemic of mass murders—particularly with firearms, but extending to weapons like cars as well—not as the random acts of disconnected lone wolves, but as part of an ongoing white nationalist insurgency. His car bombing puts a fine point on it.
But even as political theater—which terrorism is a subset of—the act itself made no more sense than the manifesto. If you’re pro-Trump and pro-Musk, why use the latter’s car as the bomb you set off in front of the former’s hotel? Why not a Prius detonated in front of headquarters of the National Organization for Women? (Bizarrely, Livelsberger himself referred to what he was about to do as “a stunt with fireworks and explosives.”)
His closing lines are less Fanon than just standard right wing nutjob:
Consider this last sunset of ’24 and my actions the end of our sickness and a new chapter of health for our people. Rally around the Trump, Musk, Kennedy, and ride this wave to the highest hegemony for all Americans! We are second to no one.
I say all these things not to dunk on Master Sergeant Livelsberger—nil nisi bonum and all that. He committed a terrible act, and took his own life in the process; fortunately no one else was killed, though that was very much a matter of luck. It might easily have gone the other way. (As it was, seven innocent people were injured.)
Even though I have deep contempt for the man’s political views, I have deep respect for his service to the country and the sacrifices that service entailed. Is it unfair and hypocritical that he gets that consideration from me when I do not extend it to so many other perpetrators of psychopathic acts of violence? I suppose it is. But he’s from my tribe, and I take those extenuating factors into account for a man who was obviously unwell, in part because of what our country asked of him, and what he did for it.
But that is not to excuse a political belief system that has already caused untold suffering, and promises to do much worse in the next few years. On the contrary: he was a terrible case study in it.
FRANKLY, SCARLET
Unlike the late MSG Livelsberger, most Republicans do not have the excuse of a brain injury to account for their nonsensical, neo-fascist beliefs, or for perpetrating violence to further them. But the Orwellian indoctrination that consumed Matt Livelsberger is the same process that Trump and his allies perpetrated on half the country in turning January 6th inside out.
Three days after the Insurrection, I wrote in this blog that if no reckoning was forthcoming for what happened that day and for Trump’s pressure campaign that led up to it, those events “won’t be a low watermark. They will only be a prelude.”
Let’s also recall what a slightly higher profile thinker, Paul Krugman, wrote at the time:
If you imagine that the people who stormed the Capitol will just go away once Biden is installed in the White House, you’re delusional.
It’s time to stop appeasing the fascists among us…..there needs to be an accounting for whatever crimes took place during the past four years—and does anyone doubt that Trump allies and associates engaged in criminal acts? Don’t say that we should look forward, not back; accountability for past actions will be crucial if we want the future to be better. Appeasement is what got us to where we are. It has to stop, now.
There’s that scarlet letter “A” word yet again. Trump supporters continue to plump for Chamberlain-like deference toward Moscow, even as we collectively offer the same to them for their sins. And now their man is about to be back in power, with more violence sure to come.
********
Photo: Not a publicity still from a dystopian science fiction movie. A Tesla Cybertruck packed with explosives, on fire outside the Trump International Hotel in Las Vegas, after being detonated by a suicidal Trump supporter, New Year’s Day, 2025.
For many of us, the hardest thing about losing the 2024 presidential election was the bitter injustice that the American people could look at the most manifestly terrible, openly criminal president in US history—one who had already demonstrated his unfitness in office to the tune of hundreds of thousands of dead, kidnapping of children as a matter of state policy, wanton kleptocracy, and a violent attempt to overturn an election, a man who ran a batshit crazy re-election campaign openly promising retribution and dictatorship—and return him to the White House anyway.
Is our country really that ill?
On that count, amid all the think-pieces that have come out in the wake of the election, the one that has given me the most clarity was from Michael Tomasky, editor of The New Republic. In the piece, called “Why Does No One Understand the Real Reason Trump Won?”, he argues convincingly that the heart of the problem is the massive right wing propaganda machine that has assumed dominance in most of this country.
Today, the right-wing media—Fox News (and the entire News Corp.), Newsmax, One America News Network, the Sinclair network of radio and TV stations and newspapers, iHeart Media (formerly Clear Channel), the Bott Radio Network (Christian radio), Elon Musk’s X, the huge podcasts like Joe Rogan’s, and much more—sets the news agenda in this country. And they fed their audiences a diet of slanted and distorted information that made it possible for Trump to win.
Tomasky goes on to say that it is now obvious that the right-wing media has more power than the mainstream media.
It’s not just that it’s bigger. It’s that it speaks with one voice, and that voice says Democrats and liberals are treasonous elitists who hate you, and Republicans and conservatives love God and country and are your last line of defense against your son coming home from school your daughter.
And that is why Donald Trump won. Indeed, the right-wing media is why he exists in our political lives in the first place.
Too true. (In fact, the very terms no longer apply. When we say “mainstream media,” most people imagine The New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, the broadcast networks et al. But really, in terms of sheer numbers and reach, it is Fox and the rest of the right wing mediasphere that is the MSM.)
Tomasky asked Matt Gertz of Media Matters the hypothetical question: “If someone moved to America from Ulan Bator, Mongolia in the summer and watched only Fox News, what would that person learn about Kamala Harris?”
“You would know that she is a very stupid person,” Gertz said. “You’d know that she orchestrated a coup against Joe Biden. That she’s a crazed extremist. And that she very much does not care about you.”Same Ulan Bator question about Trump? That he’s been “the target of a vicious witch-hunt for years and years,” that he is under constant assault; and most importantly, that he is “doing it all for you.”
To much of America, by the way, this is not understood as one side’s view of things. It’s simply “the news.” This is what people—white people, chiefly—watch in about two-thirds of the country. I trust that you’ve seen in your travels, as I have in mine, that in red or even some purple parts of the country, when you walk into a hotel lobby or a hospital waiting room or even a bar, where the TVs ought to be offering us some peace and just showing ESPN, at least one television is tuned to Fox. That’s reach, and that’s power. And then people get in their cars to drive home and listen to an iHeart, right-wing talk radio station. And then they get home and watch their local news and it’s owned by Sinclair, and it, too, has a clear right-wing slant. And then they pick up their local paper, if it still exists, and the op-ed page features Cal Thomas and Ben Shapiro.
I found Tomasky’s piece weirdly comforting—maybe the first thing that had that effect on me since Trump’s win—if only because it offers some explanation for the otherwise inexplicable hysteria that caused a majority of American voters to choose the worst imaginable candidate. In fact, if you accept his thesis (and I do), it’s almost inevitable. If you bathe a people in that kind of relentless propaganda—with technology never before available to previous demagogues—OF COURSE this will be the result.
That analysis also helps us understand that, in order to defeat this neo-fascist movement, the one essential and non-negotiable subtask that we have is to change public perception and take control of that narrative.
THE MEDIUM IS THE MASSAGE
If one digs into the great theoreticians of war, from Sun Tzu to Clausewitz, a steady theme emerges: it is perception, not the actual facts on the ground, that are determinative.
As I wrote in my book Resisting the Right, ultimately, all political conflict is psychological, which by extension means that perception is everything, which by extension means that communication is the weaponry of choice and the “information space”—to use the fashionable term—is the arena.
Just prior to the election, The Bulwark’s Jonathan V. Last wrote of how the punditocracy had spent eight or nine years grappling with Trump’s ascent to power despite the will of the majority. But his victory in 2024—via a plurality, and expanding his numbers from 2016 and 2020—exploded (or at least altered) that whole premise. Unlike previous elections, this time “a significant percentage of our fellow citizens wanted him, and all his works, and all his empty promises…..If 47 percent of the country wants fascism, then eventually it will get fascism. You can’t simply dissolve the people and elect another.”
But why do they want fascism?
Also before the election, Last had another piece in The Bulwark in which he noted that, by any objective reading, the Democrats governed very successfully over the past four years. “Biden took office with a pandemic raging and people dying by the thousands every day. He beat COVID, oversaw a soft-landing from the post-pandemic shocks, and passed a lot of popular, bipartisan legislation.” Last compares the Biden presidency to that of Bush 41: “A successful enterprise that was well regarded by history.” But there’s one big difference:
George H.W. Bush lost to a next-generation political talent while enduring a mild recession. And Biden would have seen his hand-picked successor—herself a next-gen talent—lose to a bloated, doddering felon in the middle of a steady economic expansion.
It’s one thing to lose with Jimmy Carter in 1980 and have to rethink your party’s approach to governing. It’s another thing to do everything people want—pass popular legislation, have a good economy, and win the most votes—and still lose.
The chief difference between now and 1992, let alone 1980, is the capture of American media by the aforementioned propaganda empire. By controlling the flow and shape of information, the right wing controls the national discourse—that is Orwell 101. John Dean famously said that if there had been Fox News during Watergate, Nixon would never have been forced to resign, and it’s all but impossible to disagree.
You know the term “low information voter”? A new study by the organization Data for Progress showed that people who paid “a great deal” of attention to political news voted for Kamala +6, while those who paid “none at all” went +19 for Trump. That ignorance has been weaponized by the right. (As has been widely reported, many people who consume only Fox News and its ilk never even heard of things like the House Committee on January 6th.)
As if to prove the point, The New York Times recently published a survey of 14 demographically diverse Trump voters, asking why they voted the way they did. Those respondents said they voted for Trump because he’s smart, because he’s good with money, because he handled healthcare really well, and because of all the great things he accomplished in his four years, as opposed to the nothing that was accomplished during Biden‘s.
(Pause to reattach top of skull.)
These are not subjective differences of opinion to which their holders are entitled: these are insane beliefs in demonstrable falsehoods, akin to the flatness of the Earth. The only plausible reasons that so many people hold them is that they have been inundated with lies, which they have internalized.
Now, if you’re predisposed to back the GOP, you may say: “OK, King’s Necktie, lemme get this straight. You’re saying that the only reason all these voters supported Trump is because they’re stupid? Or tricked? Talk about elitist and condescending! And you wonder why they hate you!”
Nice try, but I know how to spot a trap. What I am saying is that much of America has been bathing in relentless right wing indoctrination—positively marinating in it. Psychologists and psychiatrists will tell you that even the strongest soul is not immune to that. (Hence the perniciousness of social media.) That’s precisely what Stockholm syndrome is all about.
As for the implications, on BlueSky (find me there at @robertsedwards.bsky.social), the comment from The Times’ own Jamelle Bouie said it all:
“We’re cooked.”
And the right wing chokehold on news in this country is but one part of the problem. The obliteration of objective reality in the Trump era—probably its most lasting and damaging legacy—is another, one that goes hand in hand with the former. But both those phenomena are exacerbated by the left’s incompetence at conveying our own message.
Richard Dresser, creator of the podcast “It Happened Here” starring Edie Falco, Tony Shalhoub, and John Turturro, based on his novel, told me: “Given that generally accepted objective truth is, if not dead then on life support, whoever tells the better story wins. Republicans tell a simple, straightforward story that sticks. Democrats do not. Therein lies the challenge.”
Changing the minds of our fellow Americans is therefore the pressure point at which we must aim, and central to any kind of pro-democracy movement we hope to mount. We will not be able to win future elections until we are able to convey a compelling, direct, and honest story to the American people about what progressivism can do for them and what Trumpism will not. That is a tall order when the right wing has such a lock on the media diet of most Americans. It would be challenge enough even if reactionaries weren’t also willing and eager to lie their asses off when the facts inconveniently don’t support their desired goals. (The ultimate example: trickle down economics.) Progressives are at a further disadvantage in arguing for nuanced policies, as opposed to simplistic, reptile brain ones. That is why there’s no left-wing talk radio, at least not the commercially successful kind. The very nature of progressive dialogue—open, inquisitive, fact-based—is antithetical to the form, which thrives on pro wrestling––style mockery and rewards facile bumper sticker sloganeering.
So we are in an asymmetrical struggle to say the least. Yes, it’s hard when you’re up against liars and demagogues pushing a simplistic message that is flatout disinformation, with a massive propaganda machine to promote it, and a large swath of the public that readily accepts it. But that’s the fight we’re in. Short of surrender, what is the alternative?
RATIONALITY AND RATIONALIZATION
One thing we keep hearing in Blue America is that things are gonna get so bad that Trump voters will soon rue their votes. Maybe. I’ll confess to clinging to the comforting idea of “buyer’s remorse” myself. It only makes sense, right?
When the economy implodes and prices go up not down due to an insane trade policy, when our allies flee from us, when we watch Ukraine obliterated and Gaza turned into a sheet of glass, when we see ICE hauling families and small children away and putting them in concentration camps, when children begin to die from routine diseases because they’re no longer required to be vaccinated, when our air and water get dirtier, when the climate emergency accelerates beyond the point of no return, when dissent is suppressed, when trans people are attacked and brutalized and denied medical care, when there is a nationwide abortion ban and women regularly die because doctors are afraid to treat them, when voting rights are restricted even further, when Trump pardons all the January 6 insurrectionists, when he summarily shuts down all the criminal and civil cases in which he’s been charged and even convicted, when the rich get richer, when the very worst imaginable people continue to be chosen for the most important, sensitive, and powerful jobs in public life….will the American people wake up and say, “Uh, this isn’t what we wanted.”
You’d think they would.
Even though he has continued to beat the odds and demagogue his way to wildly unjust success, Trump is far from invincible. (He’s vincible, as Flight of the Conchords would say.) As George Packer recently wrote in The Atlantic, Trump’s movement is “more fragile than it now seems,” and it’s “quite possible that, approaching 80, Trump will find himself once more among the least popular presidents in the country’s history.”
But to exploit those vulnerabilities, we have to seize control of the narrative. If not, the right wing will just take all that bad shit that should rightly be blamed on Trump and his army of flying monkeys and turn it back on us. Inflation still bad in October 2028? It’s Biden’s fault! (Or maybe Trump just pulls out his Sharpie and tells people inflation isn’t high at all, even though they can see it with their own eyes.) Little children screaming for their mothers in concentration camps? They brought it on themselves! Terrorist attacks in New York and Washington while Tulsi Gabbard routes US intelligence directly to the Kremlin? Wokeness made us weak!
You see how this works?
Trump is already laying the groundwork to lower expectations and deflect blame. For example, after claiming over and over on the campaign trail that he would magically end inflation, he is now warning that he might not be able to do so, telling Time Magazine, “I’d like to bring (prices) down. It’s hard to bring things down once they’re up. You know, it’s very hard.”
Oh, OK–never mind then.
Will all the trauma that we are about to endure—economically, environmentally, internationally, morally—cause voters to turn on the people who brought this avalanche of shit down upon us? In a rational world, of course it would. Thermostatics argues that the fickle electorate always wants to “throw the bums out,” and that phenomenon should be even more operative on our behalf after four more years of the kakistocracy. But clearly we are not living in a rational world or we wouldn’t be in this fine Laurel & Hardy-like mess in the first place. And there’s no reason to be confident that even this epic shitshow will break the spell.
When things inevitably go to hell in next two years—and make no mistake, they will—it is by no means a sure thing the American people will hold the correct people culpable. In fact, no less a seer than the recently retired Paul Krugman and his Nobel Prize predicts massive shock once Trump’s policies go into effect and the American people realize how badly they’ve been scammed….but not necessarily a subsequent turning on Trump by his voters. Because that mutiny by Trump voters hinges on a (very) late-dawning awareness that he’s a con man and that they got screwed.
To that end, in a scathing and incisive essay for the online newsletter The Editorial Board, John Stoehr asks why we expect so much from the very same people who were benighted enough to buy Trump’s lies in the first place?
So let me get this straight. People who can’t or won’t understand tariffs are going to deduce all by themselves that tariffs are the reason they’re now paying three and four times more for their sneakers, T-shirts and video-game consoles? People who voted against their own economic interests are going to figure out on their own what exactly those interests are, but only after they’ve been screwed over by the president they voted for?
Why should we place our democratic faith, and the future of the republic, in their hands? It’s not like Trump had an agenda to bring down the cost of living. All he said was “Make America Great Again.” Deport “illegals.” Suppress transgender rights. Beat down weak and marginalized folks. Voilà!
To paraphrase Mark Twain, it would be easier to continue scamming these people than convince them that they’ve been scammed. And the scamming will continue.
Here we go back to the power of propaganda. Stoehr notes that the “right wing media apparatus, which is global in scale, prevented these voters from knowing what Joe Biden and Kamala Harris had done for the economy, inflation, wages and the GDP, but especially for the material interests of the white working class.”
Biden and Harris literally ditched 40 years of supply-side consensus in favor of growing the economy, as Biden liked to say, from the bottom up and middle out. But no one who watches Fox or listens to Joe Rogan or reads The Daily Wire or sees YouTube ads for gold bullion knows any of that.
This same rightwing media apparatus, which has only grown larger since 2020, is going to prevent Trump voters from knowing who’s responsible for price hikes, job losses and soaring interest rates that will be directly attributable to deportations, tariffs and other insane policies. If there’s someone to blame, it won’t be Donald Trump. It will be RINOs or “Marxist, communist, fascist, socialists” or immigrants. These people believe mothers “abort” babies after they’re born or if they don’t believe it, they don’t mind people who say so. They believe a student goes to school as a girl and comes back as a boy or if they don’t believe it, they don’t mind people who say so. Even if we give them the maximum benefit of the doubt, and treat them more like children than adults, are we going to trust them to realize Trump is bad for them?
And even if Trump voters turn against Trump, thus creating an opportunity for the Democrats to win them over, are they going to recognize what the Democrats are offering in terms of economic policy given the hold the rightwing media apparatus has on them and given their past record of voting against their own economic interests?
(Stoehr also notes that, atop the complicity of the media, Team Trump will undoubtedly cook the numbers on jobs, inflation, consumer spending, and all other forms of government data in its own administration. Do you think for a New York minute that it will not?)
As if that were not bad enough, Stoehr also points out that the right wing media—which is to say, the MSM—has a force multiplier in the allegedly respectable Washington press corps, which “habitually launders Trump’s talking points and, as we have seen, appeases him by either self-censoring or acting as if already under threat of investigation or prosecution by his administration.”
A galling case in point, one of many from which to choose. Speaking to Kristin Welker on “Meet the Press” last week, Trump said that the members of the House January 6th committee should be jailed, and The Washington Post’s response was to report: “it is exceedingly abnormal for the leader of a democracy to express a desire to see political opponents jailed.”
Yes, and it was also rather unusual for the leader of a Central European country to conduct live fire training across the border in Poland.
When a president-elect casually suggests the most hamhanded, dead giveaway move from page one of the authoritarian handbook and the press just shrugs, should we be surprised that the general public doesn’t think it’s a big deal? When the Washington Post added “Democracy dies in darkness” to its masthead, I didn’t realize they were bragging about it as they unscrewed the lightbulb.
TEA PARTY 2.0
So faced with the right wing PSYOPS juggernaut and an electorate largely drunk on its Kool-Aid, how can we make our case?
For starters, we have to get past our belief in legacy media and come to grips with the fact that The New York Times, CNN, The Atlantic, etc do not drive public opinion in the age of TikTok and Joe Rogan. Even if everyone you know still consumes those storied periodicals, they are like a joke out of a Woody Allen movie. It’s shocking that the Republicans—the party of old people and (let’s just say it) dumb people—are more adept in the new media world than we are, but they clearly are.
In a piece for The Bulwark from 2022 called “How Democrats Can Win the Information War,”the apostate Republican Ron Filipkowski argues that we can’t rely on legacy media to counter viral propaganda and disinformation, since “the traditional media is constitutionally incapable of being a counter to the alternative ecosystem the right –wing has constructed. Our media is structured to report facts about the way the world functions in a liberal society, not act as a counterweight to an else-worlds propaganda machine.”
“Democrats should take the fight directly to the right on their own platforms,” he writes, bemoaning the fact that the left has not already taken up this approach. “Either Democrats fail to recognize what is happening, don’t understand it, or think that a handful of PACs and White House press conferences are sufficient to deal with it. Either way, they’re wrong. The DNC’s ‘War Room’ looks like a Victorian tea party compared to what Republicans do on a daily basis.”
We could also take a page out of our foes’ very own handbook. In a piece for The New Republic called “Liberals Have Much to Learn From MAGA,” Ana Marie Cox argues that “what the Democrats need to do is ape the tactics and the artifice that bring the extremist right to power.” In her bold proposal, we should stop being beholden to a feckless centrism and so afraid of our own policy platform, and instead co-opt the right’s “tone of outrage.”
These guys are so angry about what they see in the world, and they’re not only not afraid to say so, they present righting these fancied wrongs as justice! In a world where the status quo seems to be rigged against ordinary people, voters seem drawn to those willing to spar and shake things up—they may not always literally agree with what’s being said, but they admire what looks to them like the courage necessary to smash a rigged system.
In that same magazine, Michael Tomasky recently wrote eloquently about relying less on outrage and more on practical solutions. But to my ears, that isn’t the kind of outrage Cox means—the tedious outrage that “Donald Trump is horrible.” We all know that, and most of America obviously doesn’t care. Cox is talking about weaponized, righteous outrage that can be used against MAGA Nation, which is accustomed to having that tool all to itself.
Democrats should ape this fighting spirit, and flip the script on the reactionaries. What do you mean I can’t say “BIPOC” anymore, bro? Are you policing my language? Hey, pal, you’re coming after MY RIGHT to take care of my children as I see best? What’s next? You gonna try to stop me from sending my kids to the same public schools my parents sent me to? WTF, my dude, ARE YOU SAYING YOU WANT MY CHILDREN TO DROWN IN A RISING OCEAN? As you might surmise, I think emphasizing the tried and true “What about the children?” really helps. But I’d also emphasize the need to attack the GOP at the precise points they present as their strongest.
Similarly, in The Nation, Waleed Shahid criticizes the Democrats’ reluctance to embrace populist appeals, a failure that “allowed their opponents to seize the public’s attention.”
Trump’s simple, emotionally charged narrative about fixing the economy, winding down foreign wars, restoring order, and protecting “traditional” American values may have been filled with bigotry and lies. But it commanded the public discourse, pushing the Biden-Harris administration off center stage.
If we can’t craft an equally compelling vision, we don’t deserve to win.
Cox writes that “Democrats need fierce, loud, righteous occupiers of the public square, asserting and celebrating our values. People who will go to school board and city council meetings—and run for seats on them, elections where with such low turnout just a small expenditure could make a huge difference.”
She also writes of another strategy that, she says pungently, “the left can lift from those MAGA assholes”:
Never stop accusing them of being out of step from the mainstream. Never stop calling them weird. Never stop reminding the public of the out-of-touch billionaires Trump is bringing to Washington to rule over us. And never stop pointing out the harms done by this gang’s policies—and by the rulings of their pet Supreme Court.
There is a red and a blue America; blue America is a better place to live. There is an “us” and a “them.” Democrats need to get in the conflict and be an opposition party again.
Again, one might argue that we have been loudly pointing this shit out for eight years and much of America doesn’t give a damn. But some of those attacks do find their target. I would submit that simply pointing out that Donald Trump is a bad person has proven pretty ineffective….but pointing out how he and his cronies are ripping you off might find more purchase.
Changing the narrative isn’t just talk, of course: it helps to actually do shit, especially at the local level. As Stoehr writes, the Biden White House did plenty, from the IRA to CHIPs and beyond. But did you hear about it? Half the Republican electorate thinks the GOP delivered those goods, because the same GOP congressmembers who voted against that legislation shamelessly went back to their districts and claimed credit for the benefits those new bills delivered.
We ought to be able to make that case, and without too much trouble, because we are actually doing things that the public wants, while the Republicans are not. In a blind taste test ahead of the election, voters overwhelmingly preferred the Harris/Walz agenda to that of Trump/Vance, when they didn’t know whose program was whose. But the public is not getting the word. Cox again:
Here’s a dirty little secret: Very few MAGA policy prescriptions are genuinely popular. Some of them—banning in vitro fertilization and contraception—are quite unpopular! They are now on the table because a bunch of once-obscure right-wing activists worked around the margins of our politics to build institutional consent for their ideas and, most significantly, build a federal judiciary willing to countenance some of the wilder notions being kicked around the conservative think tank industrial complex. All the while, as these pieces on the chessboard were being aligned, more mainstream Republicans lied about their willingness to stand up to the extremists in their midst. (Looking at you, Susan Collins!)
The right wing media is the unreliable narrator to end all unreliable narrators. But the one advantage we have over the liars and cheats on the other side is that the story we are telling is actually true, and does not require PT Barnum-grade perfidy and spin.
“I believe that many of the people who have been turned by lies can be won back with irrefutable truth,” Filipkowski writes, “but the truth has to be put right in front of them, meeting them where they are.”
I am less convinced than he that MAGA Nation will listen to reason, and a lie famously goes round the world while the truth is still lacing up its Nikes and making sure the bows are neat. But we must try. The price of failure will be enormous.
TICK TOCK
The midterms are less than two years away, which is both good news and bad. Good in that the clock is already ticking—fast—on Trump’s attempt to install a permanent right wing autocracy with his family at the head, forever. The bad news is that the clock is ticking—fast—for us too. We have less than 23 months to change the story that Americans currently believe about the two parties, and who is the best steward of the public good. If we do not, we will not be able to stymie the right wing, nor win back either house of Congress, nor have a prayer of retaking the Oval Office in ‘28.
John Stoehr one last time: “The world never changed for the better because a majority wanted it to. It changed because a righteous minority demanded it.” And that demand begins with telling a compelling story.
So maybe there comes a time when America comes to its senses and recognizes the patently obvious. But not so long as the right wing has a death grip on the media, and on the broader story that we as a people tell ourselves about who we are and the state of the country in which we live, and not so long as we do a poor job of offering a compelling counter-narrative.
**********
Illustration: Pancho Leiner
Image sources: Eva Almqvist via Getty Images; Justin Sullivan / Getty Images
In part one of this essay, we began a discussion of the brutal paramilitary mass deporations which we can absolutely expect to begin on Inauguration Day, 2025. Now let’s dig into that looming human catastrophe a little deeper.
SCREW YOU, EMMA LAZARUS
Donald Trump has openly announced that he will declare a national emergency on the very day he is inaugurated for a second term, no doubt while Kid Rock and Lee Greenwood are still dueting on a hick hop version of “God Bless the USA.” Almost immediately we can expect raids aimed at mass arrests of migrants ahead of incarceration in privately-run internment camps while awaiting deportation. (Though indefinite detention is more likely.) Trump has also publicly affirmed that he intends to enlist the US military in that task, a longtime obsession of his, as we reported last time—and not just the National Guard but also active duty regulars, if he can swing it. You know, like the real dictators he so admires.
This plan is so chillingly reminiscent of events in a certain central European country in the 1930s that it’s hard to fathom….just as it’s hard to fathom that the American people willingly signed up for it two weeks ago.
Trump has declared a national emergency around immigration before, in 2019, in order to divert Pentagon funds to build his border wall. (You know, the one Mexico was supposed to pay for?) Only a fraction of that wall ever materialized. But this operation promises to be an order of magnitude more extreme. In his first term, Trump deported about 1.5 million people. (Obama actually deported almost twice that many in his own first term.) He is now aiming for 11 million. The Washington Post reports:
Trump pledged to immediately deport 2 million to 3 million people after his 2016 win but never came close to hitting those targets. At his administration’s high-water mark in 2019, ICE carried out 267,258 deportations and returns, Department of Homeland Security data show. Trump officials likened the approach to “taking the shackles off,” but it generated a backlash that drove more cities and jurisdictions to adopt sanctuary policies limiting their cooperation with ICE.
So what would mass deportation on this newly proposed scale look like? Probably like ICE and other law enforcement units—Border Patrol, Bureau of Prisons officers, local and state police, and anyone else Stephen Miller can shanghai—sweeping into residences and workplaces, unannounced if possible, to arrest pockets of undocumented immigrants, along with infants, small children, and even US citizen family members who get caught up in the dragnet. Developing the intelligence necessary to do that will require a Stasi-like system of neighbors snitching on neighbors, Americans being blackmailed and bribed and strongarmed into serving as informants, and so forth. (ICE has about 7 million such undocumented immigrants in its database, out of a total of 11 million estimated to be in the US.) Electronic surveillance, from the party that performatively hates Big Tech but happily welcomed Elon Musk as co-president, will increase. (Unplug your Alexas, people.)
The raids themselves will be even uglier. The Post again:
ICE officials have long preferred to take people into custody from a secure setting such as a jail to avoid the complex planning and adverse publicity of arrests in homes, workplaces or streets. In 2019, Trump ordered pre-dawn raids targeting 2000 families in 10 cities who had received deportation orders, over concerns from top DHS officials about lack of preparation and the effect on children. The administration also changed immigration enforcement rules to expedite deportations of people who had been in the country for less than two years, making it possible to remove them without a hearing in front of an immigration judge.
Such street-level roundups are so resource-intensive that many ICE officials view them as impractical. The operations require officers to locate migrants and surveil them to determine a safe opportunity to make an arrest. Such arrests often depend on the cooperation of local police.
To arrest and deport families with children, the preparations are even more time-consuming. An operation targeting 20 to 30 families for arrest takes two to three weeks of planning, said (Jason Houser, ICE’s chief of staff under Joe Biden from January 2022 until March 2023). For ICE to reach a target of 300,000 to 500,000 deportations per year—a far more modest goal than Trump’s—Houser said the agency would need two to three times as many deportation officers as ICE has.
Even by the more modest estimate of Tom Homan, Trump’s choice for “border czar,” ICE would have to double its presence in sanctuary cities like New York to carry out something on this scale. And there’s every reason to believe he is skewing the estimate to make it seem less daunting, compared to Houser.
For these xenophobic fanatics, the natural solution to the manpower issue, per above, is to employ the military, despite the terrible optics and the legal obstacles (or perhaps precisely because of them, as part of Trump’s demonstration of raw power). John Bolton reported that Trump “couldn’t care less” about Posse Comitatus, the law forbidding the US military from undertaking domestic operations of this sort. The WaPo again:
In Trump’s first month as president, in 2017, a draft memo obtained by the Associated Press proposed deploying as many as 100,000 National Guard troops to arrest undocumented immigrants throughout the interior of the country. The memo was never implemented, but Trump did sign an executive order directing ICE to detain more unauthorizedimmigrants, including pregnant women and people without criminal records.
If Team Trump couldn’t pull this off in the first try, what makes anyone think it can do it now? Trump’s surrogates are selling wolf tickets like crazy, premised on vague promises of “getting tough,” but they have yet to prove that they can defy the laws of physics. I have no doubt that the raids will be brutal, but that is very different from being effective. What we are likely to see, then, is a fugly combination of incompetence and malevolence, with lots of innocent and vulnerable people chewed up in the process.
NO ROOM AT THE INN
If the Trump administration does succeed in rounding up even a fraction of the undocumented immigrants it aims to, the next question is: where the fuck are they going to put them?
The WaPo reports: “The Biden administration is using about 38,000 beds at immigration jails and other facilities that hold migrants awaiting deportation. During the Trump years, the number exceeded 50,000, but never reached the kinds of capacity levels necessary for the kind of mega-deportation system Trump envisions.” The new administration is therefore looking at putting migrants in county jails, and building new privately-run for-profit facilities outside big cities, including Denver, Los Angeles, Miami, Chicago, New York City, Philadelphia and Washington. (Big shock: the private prison industry was a big donor to Trump’s re-election campaign. Two of the largest publicly-traded companies in that field, GEO Group and CoreCivic, have seen their stocks increase 69% and 61% respectively since Trump won back the presidency.)
That plan contemplates only temporary detention, but it’s easy to envision it stretching into months or even years. Mass deportation is not a unilateral move that the US can undertake on its own: foreign countries are not obliged to take the millions of immigrants Trump & Co want to kick out, and many won’t, despite Donald’s bullying and blackmail. The obvious outcome is a semi-permanent gulag archipelago of apprehended immigrant families—men, women, and children—held without due process or any resolution on the visible horizon.
It is here that we encounter one significant difference between the anti-immigration programs of the first and second Trump administrations, besides scale and ambition.
Because the family separation policy was so horrific and inhumane, and because it caused enough revulsion that even Trump had to reverse himself—the only major policy retreat that the infantile bastard undertook in his first term—Trump’s team has not signalled that it will reinsitute it. (Though as the Post reports, when asked in 2023 whether he might do so, “Trump declined to rule it out and defended the policy.”) Border czar-to-be Homan was head of ICE during that first administration and led that policy, which was also known as “zero tolerance,” the administration’s preferred term. Asked by 60 Minutes last month if it there’s a way to carry out mass deportations without separating families, he replied, “Of course there is. Families can be deported together.”
That quote packs a litany of horrors. For one, it suggests arresting and imprisoning whole families, a policy known as “family detention,” which was Trump administration policy from late June 2018 until the end of this term. (Biden ended that policy soon after taking office, and while he briefly considered reinstating it in March 2023 as the border crisis surged, public outcry prompted him to abandon the idea.) Cruelty is one aspect of that; the daunting practical challenges are another. The former ICE chief of staff Jason Houser told the WaPo: “You’re talking about building a major logistics apparatus that would still have to meet court and legal requirements for health care and child care,” he said.
I’m not sure Stephen Miller will bother with that.
It also means that the US-born children of undocumented immigrants—who are US citizens under the 14th Amendment, and are prevalent in these families—would be arrested and incarcerated as part of these new sweeps. That’s of a piece with the Trump/Miller wet dream of ending birthright citizenship altogether, by fiat, and challenging to courts to stop them.
How long would these poor people languish in these camps before Miller proposes—with no discrenible irony—that it’s costing the taxpayers money, and isn’t there a better solution…..you know, like, a final one?
In a separate interview with Fox, Hannity offered Homan a lifeline (as he often does with his right wing interviewees), proposing a marginally more humane and politically appealing alternative: why not incentivize “illegal immigrants” (again, in the right wing’s preferred language) to self-deport in exchange for a small cash payment, with a pathway to legal return later? Homan replied coldly: “The ones that want to go home on their own—they found their way across the world to come to the greatest nation on earth. They can find their way home.”
And won’t the Department of Government Efficiency Department be pleased.
CRUEL TO BE CRUEL
The sadism and brutality of the deportation plan are reason enough to oppose it, but it‘s also pragmatically, logistically, and economically absurd. On the crassest possible level, simply consider the pricetag.
According to Heather Cox Richardson, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the mass deportation plan will cost at least $88 billion a year, but the direct costs are the least of it when one considers its broader effect on the economy. I invite your attention to the 2004 film A Day Without a Mexican, which imagines what would happen to the American workforce if every single Mexican worker magically vanished, Rapture-style. I’ll save you two hours: it would collapse. Hatred of immigrants is often predicated on the idea that they’re taking jobs from Americans, but the US has close to full employment for its citizens, which is at its highest level since 2001. Rather, what undocumented workers do is the grueling, low-paying work that Americans won’t. They pick our vegetables, process our meat, deliver our goods in the pouring rain, ring up our purchases, and every other grindingly menial job you can think of. Bonus damage: Bloomberg reports that undocumented immigrants currently pay about $100 billion a year in taxes. Not that we want Trump to succeed with this grotesque plan, but if does, how is that shortfall gonna be made up? It’s not like a hurricane; you can’t just pull out a Sharpie and make the balance sheet balance.
Here we see the mask drop and the real motive behind “mass deportations,” beyond just being a grotesque re-election strategy that panders to the worst instincts in the self-described “greatest nation on earth.” For along with the deportations and an end to birthright citizenship, Trump, Miller, Homan et al also want to institute severe new limits even on legal immigration, giving the lie to the Republican claim that they’re not xenophobes, just devotees of law and order. (In 2019 Trump also tried to end DACA—which offers a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought to the US as children—but was blocked by the Supreme Court in a 5-4 ruling. He would now have a 6-3 supermajority ready to rule in his favor.)
Because these guys don’t just hate “illegals.” They hate all immgrants, legal or not.
Back to The Washington Post:
As the number of people in ICE custody jumped 22 percent in Trump’s first two years, the DHSinspector general uncovered “egregious violations of detention standards,” including inadequate medical care, expired food, lack of recreation, moldy bathrooms and inadequate clothing and hygiene supplies. A separate inspector general’s investigation found “dangerous overcrowding” in an El Paso facility, where a cell built for 25 people held 155.
In June 2018, reporters and human rights activists toured a facility in McAllen, Tex., where children slept under foil sheets surrounded by chain-link fencing, after DHS acknowledged separating children from their parents at the border. Public outrage over an audio clip of a sobbing child forced Trump to halt the practice. DHS later identified 4227separated children, 3147 of whom were reunited with their parent as ofNovember 2023.
But for Trump & Co., none of that matters….or perhaps it’s more precise to say that it matters a lot—and they like it. As MSNBC’s Hayes Brown writes, “that all supposes that there’s any interest from the administration in being efficient or precise in the process of forcibly removing millions from their homes.” In reality, that opposite is true.
Under the family separation policy, the Trump administration deliberately did not keep accurate records—or any records, in some cases. As a result, DHS estimates that some 1360 children have still not been reunited with their families. Even those that have been reunited are almost certainly suffering from trauma, perhaps irreparably, and their family members as well. Brown again:
We could call it incompetent if the goal had been to provide humane shelter for migrants being detained or speed their processing through the immigration system. But that wasn’t the goal. The goal was to make other migrants too afraid to cross the border.
That deterrent never materialized, but that, too, was fine with Trump and his supporters, because it was also a lie, covering their real goal, which was to inflict pain for its own sake, in keeping with their guiding principle that “the cruelty is the point.”
Trump, predictably, is generally keen on sadism and violence against immigrants. In his first term “he privately mused….whether migrants crossing the border could be shot in the legs and wanted a proposed border wall topped with flesh-piercing spikes and painted black to burn migrants’ skin.”
Indeed, from the very first announcement of his presidential run in 2015, Trump has made the demonization of immigrants the centerpiece of his political career, building off the racism that was the bedrock of his public persona going back to the Central Park—now Exonerated—Five, not to mention being the primary public proponent of birtherism, and the subject (along with his father) of a racial discrimination suit by the federal government as far back as 1973. And we can leave aside for now the history of racism in the Trump family and even associations with the Klan.
But his hysterical demonization of immigrants reached a zenith (or was it a nadir?) during the recent presidential race. Speaking to the right wing website the National Pulse, Trump floated the lie that foreign countries were emptying their insane asylums to and sending the patients into the US along our southern border. He trafficked in literal Nazi verbiage in saying migrants are “poisoning the blood of our country,” and at a rally in Florida compared them to the cannibal serial killer Hannibal Lecter, saying, ‘That’s what’s coming into our country right now’.”
In a report by the nonpartisan organization Protect Democracy, Genevieve Nadeau, a former DHS lawyer, said that “Trump is following the 20th century dictator’s playbook of dehumanizing vulnerable groups in order to isolate them and justify cruelty by the state. He’s backing up his rhetoric by threatening to invoke extreme and novel legal tools to effectuate an agenda of inhumanity on a scale we haven’t seen for generations. We should expect him to follow through on his pledges.”
WHEN PEOPLE TELL YOU WHO THEY ARE
The belief that Trump won’t go through with an attempt at mass deportations hinges on magical thinking.
The pundits say he will have learned from his first term, and it’s clear that he has. The behavior of the Trump and his (ahem) transition team speaks volumes on that front: not bothering to seek security clearances for staff; not coordinating with the GSA in the normal transition process; not signing memoranda of understanding or agreeing to an acceptable code of ethics; not including State Department personnel or official government interpreters when speaking to foreign heads of state—including Don’s good buddy Vlad Putin—and doing it on non-secure lines to boot. Reportledly not a single Trump official has even set foot inside a federal office during the transition; it’s all being done from Mar-a-Lago.
A Trump ally told The Washington Post described what is going on as less a transition than “a hostile takeover,” and that sounds about right.
The guy who said that was Mike Davis, president of the Article III Project, which he describes as a “bare knuckles” legal lobby dedicated to defending Trump. Davis is a former clerk for Neil Gorsuch and Federalist Society type turned rabid MAGA troll who himself was in the running to be Trump’s Attorney General (at least in his telling). Adam Wren of Politco reports that Davis has promised “to eviscerate institutions that he says treat Trump unfairly,” to send journalists and Republican apostates like George Conway and Tim Miller to “the gulag,” and to put migrant kids in “cages.” (That one has actually been done before.) “My goal,” he told Wren, “is for the Supreme Court to dismantle most of the federal government.”
Last September, Davis made headlines for an appearance on conservative influencer Benny Johnson’s show in which he outlined a dystopian agenda for what he would do during a “three-week reign of terror” as Trump’s “acting attorney general before I get chased out of town with my Trump pardon.” His list included firing “deep state” employees, indicting Joe Biden, deporting millions of immigrants and putting “kids in cages,” detaining people in the “DC gulag” and pardoning Jan. 6 defendants, “especially my hero, horn man.”
These are the people who Trump is bringing with him when we rolls back into Washington.
Davis claims he was just joking about the gulags and such, to own the libs, blah blah blah. You know, the way Trump “jokes” about a third term. Or having Liz Cheney shot. Or “terminating” the Constitution.
EMILY DICKINSON ON CAPITOL HILL
Is America ready for something on the order of these mass deportations? Will the American people stand for it? Will the Republican Party, on which Trump ultimately depends? I know that last question invites ridicule, given how cravenly submissive the party has been to him over the past eight years. And is there any reason to think it even wants to stand up to him? The GOP has long been the party of xenophobia, even before Donald Trump, and it gladly followed his demagogic playbook to a trifecta in the last election. But what is about to happen should—rightly—be beyond the pale even for Republicans.
So is there any cause for optimism? Well, a little.
We saw Rand Paul tell Newsmax he would “not support an emergency to put the Army into our cities,” which he called “a huge mistake.”
I think it’s a terrible image to send the world. It’s a terrible image for us as citizens. And so I hope (Trump) will think twice about trying to use an emergency edict to have the Army patrolling our country. There is, to my mind, some question of the people—the housekeeper who’s been here 30 years, I don’t see the military putting her in handcuffs and marching her down the street to an encampment. I don’t really want to see that.
And there are a couple other promising signs—not enough that I’m ready to put a deposit down for a celebratory party in the back room at Houlihan’s, but glimmers nonetheless. Mitch McConnell has put the kibosh on the idea of recess appointments for Trump’s ghoulish slate of Cabinet nominees, and new Senate Majority Leader John Thune announced that he won’t push to get rid of the filibuster. That may be sheer institutionalism, or long range concern for the day when Republicans will be in the minority again (a boy can dream), or maybe even some weird behind-the-back pass to help Democrats block Trump’s worst excesses. (A boy can really dream.) We’ll see if it sticks, but for now, it’s mildly cheering.
Jesus, what’s the world come to when I’m praising Mitch McConnell and Rand Paul and John Thune? I told you the apocalypse was upon us.
But the big news last week and most hopeful sign was that Matt Gaetz got his ass handed to him. Frankly I was surprised, but apparently the House Ethics Committee had the goods on him, and those goods were devastating. (John Mulaney will tell you that Venmo exists only for drug dealers, but evidently sexual predators like it too.)
Gaetz’s fast and unceremonious downfall was a rare glimpse of Republican courage, as elusive as a snapshot of Bigfoot playing hacky sack with DB Cooper and the Loch Ness monster on a UFO. A win is a win, and I’ll take it, but that’s how low we’ve sunk: a Congressman with extremist views and a record of pursuing them, widely loathed by both sides, and a history of sex trafficking and predation (including at least one minor), who’s never been a prosector or a judge and in fact has no experience in the criminal justice system except as a defendant, fails to get confirmed as Attorney General and we’re surprised. It’s a low bar yes….but I didn’t think there was a bar at all.
So is it possible that Trump 2.0 won’t be quite the fascist free-for-all I fear? Hope springs eternal. But it’s also the thing with feathers, if those feathers are on a mythical dinosaur-like bird/lizard that’s going to devour us all.
When John Roberts swears Trump back into office on January 20th and the paddywagons full of ICE officers in riot gear roll into your town, we will find out.
********
Photo: Migrants being held in a makeshift detention center, El Paso, TX, March 2019. Credit: Sergio Flores / The Washington Post.