We Need to Talk About Lionel

Shortly before Election Day 2024, I came across an interview with the American novelist and political commentator Lionel Shriver on the website of Spiked, an online magazine based in Britain. The interview was titled “Why I Loathe Kamala Harris.”

For the uninitiated, Shriver was born Margaret Ann Shriver in Gastonia, North Carolina in 1957;  as a child, she took the name “Lionel” as gesture of feminist defiance. Admirable enough. She is a well-regarded highbrow author whose most famous novel is the Orange Prize-winning We Need to Talk About Kevin (2003), which was made into the 2011 film of the same name starring Tilda Swindon, directed by Lynne Ramsay. A-list, arty stuff all around. Educated at Barnard, with both a BA and MFA from that institution, and no relation to the Kennedy-adjacent political clan with the same surname, she is also a longtime expat who has lived in Kenya, Thailand, and the UK, and currently resides in Portugal, though she retains her US citizenship.

OK, with a pedigree that bog standard progressive, what was Shriver’s beef with Kamala?

Well, the first thing to understand is that Shriver is representative of a certain kind of self-styled “neutral” (to use soccer terminology) who wants to position themselves as above politics. I have some friends—on both the right and the left—who traffic in this same bullshit.

The left-leaning ones tend to be scornful of anti-Trump sentiment from their fellow progressives, taking the eye-rolling view that people like me who are outraged by Donald are naïve, since the powers-that-be have ALWAYS been terrible, so what’s new? To them I would argue that, be that as it may, Trump represents a unique escalation of that terribleness, posing much more urgent and deadly dangers that demand our attention, not selfish, too-cool-for-school solipsism.

Those on the right, meanwhile, tend to fancy themselves “libertarians,” and Shriver fits that mold perfectly: people who are ostensibly against the GOP and the Democrats in equal measure (the better to boost their view of themselves as above it all), but who devote 99% of their time to attacking the Democratic Party, with only the occasional, perfunctory acknowledgment that, oh yeah, Donald Trump is kinda bad too.

Shriver’s half hour-long October 23 video interview with Spiked is a master class in that rot. (The magazine prefers the lowercase “spiked,” but it’s my blog.) In reality, if one examines her positions, her past statements, and her writing, it becomes clear that she is really just another howling reactionary enamored of the general MAGA agenda, albeit papered over with an arty, chattering class veneer.

But this empress not only has no clothes, she doesn’t even have skin or muscle or sinew, just rotten right wing bones.

HATERS GONNA

Shriver is a natural-born provocateur who relishes the role. Speaking to The Standard in 2022, she described herself as a monarchist, albeit a “reluctant” one. (And I am still making up my mind about leeches as a medical treatment.) She was pro-Brexit, a COVID lockdown skeptic (cue the Eric Clapton), and a vocal critic of DEI initiatives and the Black Lives Matter movement who delights in “woke-baiting.” Like most right wingers, she also spends a lot of time worrying about trans people competing in women’s sports and thinks the rich pay too much tax. Above all, she is a strident opponent of what she sees as an out-of-control wave of immigration by non-European people into the US, the UK, and EU.

Many of these positions are framed as part of a vigorous belief in free speech, which raises the question of how she squares that will her admiration for a guy who sends people to foreign gulags for saying things he doesn’t like.

Indeed: Shriver consistently professes to dislike Donald Trump but rarely criticizes him, and in fact, regularly pays him sly compliments. (The Democrats she pays no compliments, sly or otherwise, just openly derides.) Almost every criticism of Trump that she makes—usually only after being prompted by her interlocutor—is followed immediately by praise that negates what came before. For example, she told Spectator TV last fall that “however weird” Trump is, he makes a lot of people feel “that he’s at least a powerful and strong figure.” And yeah, as she laughed to Spiked, he rambles for hours in his speeches and “doesn’t seem like someone who’s completely in his right mind” (“I mean, it really does seem demented to me”), at least he is capable of “filling time with words in a way that Kamala Harris is not.”

So what specifically does Lionel “loathe” about Kamala that precludes the generosity that is extended to Donald? Well, lots.

Shriver expresses glee that the Biden dropped out of the race and we got rid of a “geriatric, demented candidate” (again, her tolerance for geriatric, demented candidates seems to have skyrocketed in the Trump administration), and says she is glad that he was replaced “with someone who technically is in her right mind.” But that’s the last nice thing she has to say about Ms. Harris. From the Spiked piece:

I’ve really struggled to put my finger on it, but there’s something about Kamala Harris that makes me despise her even more than Joe Biden. The closest I’ve come to identifying it is there’s something centrally fraudulent about her. You know, she doesn’t ring true, and I don’t believe she has any convictions of any kind. They are purely convictions of opportunity….and the idea of having such an empty suit in the White House is anathema to me.

Her central argument is that Kamala is a calculating opportunist without any real policies or ideologies for which she feels authentic passion, except abortion. She goes on to engage in snickering ad hominem attacks, accusing Harris of plagiarism, and saying that she only wants to be president because it’s fun to get attention and wear a lot of different colored pantsuits. If that’s not petty enough for you, Shriver then proceeds to ridicule Kamala’s fashion sense—even though a moment ago that topic was held up as an example of her alleged lack of substance—declaring it “the worst of anyone who’s ever run for president.” (I dunno. William Henry Harrison dressed like dogshit.)

And a written transcript does not do justice to Shriver’s snide and condescending tone in delivering these sentiments. Shriver’s giggling, obsequious interviewer—Fraser Myers, a deputy editor at Spiked and host of its podcast—reveled in her comments and piled on. I was not familiar with Mr. Myers, but a quick survey of the Internet reveals a decidedly aggressive right wing social media presence, and previous employment at the pro-Tory Telegraph. (Although Spiked grew out of the Trotskyite British magazine Living Marxism, which folded in 2000 after being bankrupted in a libel suit, its politics lean much more right than left.)

Another of Shriver’s talking points was the popular GOP canard that Democrats have challenged electoral integrity just as much as Republicans if not more, citing Stacey Abrams in the 2018 Georgia governor’s race, the Russiagate allegations, and Al Gore in 2000…..as if asking for a recount is equivalent to a violent attack on the Capitol with the intent of lynching Mike Pence. But—again parroting others on the right—Lionel would have us believe that the left is just as bad when it comes to political violence as the right, explicitly equating the response to George Floyd’s murder with January 6th, and suggesting that if Kamala were to lose, we would be in danger of an armed uprising by Democrats. (“I think it may be a tossup who could be worse,” she told Myers.)

It goes without saying that this is all absolute tripe wildly divorced from reality or any demonstrable evidence, and would not be out of place on the most hair-on-fire right wing opinion show on Fox, OAN, or Real America’s Voice.

Well, Lionel is a writer of fiction, after all.

JUST DONALD BEING DONALD

OK, so Shriver doesn’t like the former Vice President. But even so, she recognizes how bad Trump is, and doles out a proportionate amount of criticism of him, right?

Uh, no.

In keeping with the libertarian dynamic I described above, Shriver prides herself on hating both parties equally, though only one ever comes in for abuse while the other habitually gets a pass. Risibly, she tries to justify this imbalance by saying she has more loathing (her word) for the Democrats because “the American media is saturated with nastiness about Donald Trump,” and there’s no need for “more people trashing his character.”

There’s nothing duller than talking about what’s wrong with Donald Trump, what kind of a terrible character he has, how he’s going to destroy American democracy, and he’s going to become a dictator. And it just puts me to sleep.

What a smug rationalization for a world-beating level of hypocrisy.

Shriver bemoans what she calls the “hyperbole” of the left when it comes to Trump, saying, “I’m not quite sure that he is the threat to democracy that everyone claims. We’ve already survived four years of his presidency.” She scolds progressives for taking “that one offhand remark about how he’d be a dictator on day one, literally,” calling them “a little silly” for so doing. In fact, she goes further and actually argues that the Democrats pose the greater danger of dictatorship in America—another popular Republican claim—and to support it, parrots the Fox News harping on what it argues was the “anti-democratic” nature of Kamala’s selection as her party’s presidential candidate.

But Trump’s not the only Republican who gets the kid gloves treatment.

Shriver is openly admiring of J.D. Vance for being smart and articulate (“I actually find him pretty impressive”)—except, I would argue, when ordering doughnuts—as well as “lucid,” “bright,” “formidable,” and “intimidating” to the left. She blithely excuses his submission to the Big Lie as the price of being on the Trump ticket (a tradeoff she apparently thinks is justified) and concludes that he, like Trump, is not “a fascist threat to democracy.”

“I don’t think he’s radical,” she told Spiked. “I don’t think he’s out to necessarily pass an abortion ban for the whole country.” Even though in 2022, J.D. Vance appeared on a podcast where he said exactly that, and that he “certainly would like abortion to be illegal nationally.” Referring to such a proposed ban, she also accused the Democrats of “constantly trying to pin that on Republicans.”

Yes, so unsporting of us to accuse them of saying the thing that they repeatedly say, over and over.

SEPARATING THE BULLSHIT FROM THE BULLSHIT ARTIST

I realize I’m sounding pretty snotty myself in this diatribe against ol’ Margaret Ann. But she started it.

I’m not gonna pretend I’ve read all of Shriver’s novels (let alone actually read them). Life is simply too short when I could be doing any number of other far more pleasurable and enriching things, like surfing, or listening to Nina Simone, or watching paint dry, all of which are infinitely preferable in my view. So unlike other artists whose work I enjoy despite their vile political views, like Morrissey or Mamet, for me there is no angst or dilemma when it comes to the not-so-divine Ms. S. But it’s still curious to encounter a highbrow artist whose politics are so odious.

At the risk of making a massive generalization, the political views of most artists skew left-of-center because the profession requires some degree of open-mindedness and empathy, two qualities not usually associated with right wingery, and declining in direct proportion as one moves further starboard on the political spectrum. There are, of course, some stark exceptions, but the general rule holds more often than not. That’s what a “general rule” is, no?

When we venture out of the arts and into “intellectualism,” things get a little trickier. (The Venn diagram of artists and intellectuals has a fat intersection, but it’s not quite a concentric circle.) Shriver straddles that line because she is both a writer of fiction and a political commentator.

So why fixate on her? Why not single out a self-satisfied right wing journalist like The New York Times’ insufferable Ross Douthat, or The Washington Post’s Meghan McArdle, or the WaPo’s even more repulsive Marc Thiessen? There are lots of right wing journalists who are plenty smart, their odious beliefs notwithstanding. But as history has made painfully obvious, intelligence is no bulwark against despicable political beliefs. Plenty of very intelligent people—even undeniably brilliant ones—have fallen under the sway of grotesque political ideologies.

As a documentarian, I have met and interviewed a few folks who fit that description, prominent right wing figures of whom it is often said, “They’re evil, but they’re brilliant.” Without mentioning any names, it’s been my experience that that is frequently not true. Usually these people are of perfectly fine or even above-average intelligence, but not at all brilliant. What they usually are is thirsty, and insecure, and desperate to prove how brilliant they would like to be seen as. That tracks, as the kids say, because the right wing ideology is very suited to damaged souls.

That said, Lionel does not strike me as being in that category. I’ve never met her, but her arrogance and sanctimony seem very genuine. So is that better or worse? (Discuss.) She is certainly not a dumb woman. Far from it: she’s real smart. But she feels like one of those highly intelligent people who are so deeply invested in their world view, even in defiance of inconvenient facts, that they are willing to embrace the most outrageous lies and hideous behavior in order to cling to it, and to twist themselves into Gordian knots to defend it, rather than break with their own mythology and acknowledge the difficult truth. And that’s pretty hard to respect.

THE JARABE TAPATÍO (ENOCH POWELL REMIX)

Per above, Lionel’s main hobby horse is a xenophobic stance on immigration that would give Stephen Miller a hard-on.

Recently she praised Trump’s deportations and renditions, saying that they put illegal immigrants on notice and are an example for other countries to follow. That is a cruel joke, of course, because she is herself an immigrant, living in a country other than her own. (Ironically, Shriver’s current domicile of Portugal is the preferred destination of many American progressives who want to flee Trump.) Describing her as an “expat”—the usual designation for privileged elites who live abroad, which even I reflexively did at the top of this essay—does not make any appreciable difference. It’s an appellation typically used for privileged foreigners who choose to live overseas, as opposed to the tired and poor, the huddled masses yearning to breathe free, the wretched refuse who are forced to flee their homelands for dear life.

Now, Lionel might argue that this is actually a point in her favor, as she is a “legal” immigrant. But the idea that it’s only “illegal” immigration that sticks in her craw doesn’t pass muster when so much of her shit-stirring has to do with race and ethnicity….and there is no better example that her satirical 2016 novel The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, about a dystopian America in the near future.

As I say, I haven’t read much of Shriver’s fiction—I really gotta watch that new coat of paint on my fence dry—but I did feel compelled to read (some of) this one, and it’s troubling at best. Much of the novel is a polemic for free market capitalism. More tellingly, its vision of a “dystopia” hinges on the premise of Hispanic immigrants coming to dominate the USA. (Nightmare!) In the novel, whites are a minority in the United States, Spanish is the preeminent tongue, and the President is a pudgy, lisping, Mexican migrant who turns the country into a dictatorship. There are also digs at Chelsea Clinton and Paul Krugman, and a key plot point about an illegal immigration amnesty. The primary Black character, Luella, suffers from dementia—and incontinence—so extreme that her white husband (who married her in order to look more progressive) resorts to walking her on a leash. One senses not so much satire on the part of the author as willfully transgressive racist “humor” under the pretense thereof.

And Shriver didn’t do herself any favors in addressing the inevitable complaints about the book. She infamously wore a sombrero during a 2016 speech in Brisbane, Australia to protest what she believed to be oversensitivity on the matter of cultural appropriation. Many in the audience were pointedly not amused, including the writer Yassmin Abdel-Magied, who called Shriver’s speech “a poisoned package wrapped up in arrogance,” adding: “The stench of privilege hung heavy in the air, and I was reminded of my ‘place’ in the world.” (In response, the Brisbane Writers Festival formally disassociated itself with Shriver.)

I agree with Lionel that the very essence of writing fiction is imagination, and that authors need not be of the race and sex and specific life experience of the characters they create, any more than an actor playing a doctor should be required to actually have a medical degree. But it’s a huge leap from there to The Education of Little Tree. The Mandibles doesn’t commit that specific sin of outright imposterism, but it is certainly a piece of reactionary agitprop—Ayn Rand with an extra dollop of racism—that calls to mind works like The Camp of the Saints or The Turner Diaries.

Is it a big shock then, that the author of that book, who has so ostentatiously planted her flag in smack in the middle of a white nationalist right wing political movement, and loudly denounced the influx of immigrants in America and the rest of the Western world, would go after Kamala Harris with a viciousness usually reserved for catfighting soap opera divas?

CURRENTS OF ANXIETY

Soon after that Spiked piece, Shriver did a shamelessly gloating video interview with Spectator TV on the other side of Election Day called “The Election That Smashed Identity Politics.”

In it, she sneers at Harris’s supporters as feeling sorry for themselves, and affirms that while she disliked both candidates, the side that she “emotionally” wanted to win, did. She concedes that a Harris administration would “probably (be) safer for the country,” yet in the next breath crows: “But when I  learned that Trump had won, I felt quietly happy, with a little undercurrent of anxiety.”

Yeah, uh, those of us not fortunate enough to live a cossetted life in Portugal are feeling a lot more than “a little undercurrent of anxiety” right about now. 

Mostly she gloats that the election was “a summary rejection of progressive identity politics,” and continues the vicious personal attacks on Kamala that characterized her previous comments:

(It’s) a rejection of the fake, empty, insulting politics represented by Kamala Harris— not just her campaign, but her candidacy. I just found that her being run as a credible president of the United States insulted the electorate. Now, I completely accept that there are lots and lots of people who also look at Donald Trump that way. Okay, I understand that, and I kind of do too. But he is more credible than she is.

She is a nothing….I’m not persuaded that she believes anything else other than that it would be fun to be president.

As in the Spiked interview, she repeatedly accuses Kamala of being a mere opportunist, speaking of “emptiness,” “flimsiness,” a “refusal to be pinned down,” and of Harris as “someone who could easily be controlled.” (Hmmm, I wonder if she had the two candidates mixed up?) This time around, she also flat-out calls her “a DEI candidate.”

Again, she criticizes Harris for not giving enough policy details on her positions, having told Spiked that “at least Trump has an agenda.” Of course, that’s not true at all. Kamala and the Democrats had a coherent, detailed platform; you might not like it, but it was there. Trump, by contrast, had only “a concept of a plan” about health care, for example, even though he had already been President of the United States for four years. Indeed, that accusation about lack of detail may be among the most brain-blowing example of the double standard in the whole 2024 campaign.

But maybe Shriver meant that at least we knew that Trump wanted to deport millions of people, prosecute his political enemies, and give the rich another deficit-busting tax cut? OK—but does that really count as “better”? “Sure, Jeffrey Dahmer ate all those people, but at least the guy knew what he liked for dinner, right?”

This sort of gaslighting goes way beyond simple partisan politics, betraying an almost pathological hatred for Kamala. And I’m sorry, but given Shriver’s history, it’s hard to avoid thinking race is part of the equation. In her 2022 interview with The Standard to which I referred earlier, Shriver was as dismissive of Meghan Markle as she would be of Kamala Harris two years later, and while it would be unfair to conclude that pigmentation is the whole or even primary source of the animus, it is not exactly putting Lionel in the running for an NAACP Image Award.

Full disclosure: in that same interview, Shriver did cop to having “enormous misgivings about another Trump term,” calling it “unsettling.” But that brief qualifier is buried amid a wave of palpable pro-Trump giddiness and relentless kicking of Kamala when she was down. Shriver went on to tell Spectator TV that we should choose our leaders based on intelligence, wisdom, experience, education, contacts, and good instincts. (I’ll pause here, until the laughter dies down.)

As for the future, she scolded Democrats for “characterizing Trump as planning to imprison his opponents and to sic the military on anyone who doesn’t agree with him,” referring to those critics as “worrywarts and hysterics” who have engaged in “hyperbole” and “twisting what he has said.”

And they consistently did that with everything he said. So I’m not I’m not worried that he’s going to be throwing throw his opponents in jail in the same way that his opponents tried to throw him in jail. I always thought that that was an ironic accusation.

As with her Orwellian assertions about who is prone to violence, or undermines electoral integrity, or lacks details in their proposals, she says that Democrats, not Republicans, are the ones who engage in political persecution of their foes, presumably on the grounds that Trump was charged with crimes after he left office. Not to split hairs, but I would suggest there’s a big difference between credibly prosecuting a former president for demonstrable violations of the law and, say, arresting a judge in their own courtroom and perp walking them into a squad car for the cameras, or threatening to arrest John Roberts, or ginning up ridiculous charges against a member of Congress for allegedly assaulting police.

Shriver even expresses enthusiasm for Musk coming in to shrink the size of the federal government, saying:

I think the idea of eliminating all departments is brilliant, and I love the idea of trying to pull back and comb through the morass of regulations that federal government levies on everybody. It it’s a huge job. I’d be surprised if they got very far with it, but I would love to see someone to try.

EXHILIRATE YOURSELF

All that was six months ago.

As with her novels, I’m not a regular reader of Lionel’s column in The Spectator either, as I prefer to maintain my mental health. But I checked in with her recently to see what she’s saying now that Trump has been back in power for over 100 days. I was curious. After insisting that talk of his authoritarian impulse was so much hysteria, how would she respond to the mass deportation campaign, including extrajudicial kidnappings and the renditioning of people to foreign gulags without even a whiff of due process? How would she feel about to the weaponization of the DOJ to persecute his political enemies; to the attacks on the courts; to the wanton corruption and the wholesale conversion of the US presidency into a shameless mechanism for the enrichment of Donald J. Trump? Would she ignore that stuff altogether? Deploy more rationalizations and excuses? Continue to offer perfunctory dismissals of his transgressions that also functioned as backhanded plaudits? Or would she try to claim that she knew all along that he was a monster, without copping to how her excusal of that monstrousness abetted his return to power and the current sorry state of affairs?

I’ll admit that I was pretty stunned at what I found.

Despite her earlier pooh-poohing of Trump as potential autocrat, Lionel does not seem at all bothered by the stark evidence to the contrary in last three months. In fact, very much the opposite. She reports that she is “exhilarated” by what he is doing—once again, her word not mine. Read for yourself:

While never a Trumpster, I found the initial weeks of the 47th presidency exhilarating. No more racial preferences in the military, the federal government or universities that receive federal funds. Yes! Finally, aggressive prosecution of immigration law, with the flow of illegal aliens slowed to a trickle. Yay! Cutting wasteful and wokeful spending. Grand! Pushing Europe to pay more for its own defence. Fine! Men banned from women’s sport. About time! It’s official: there are only two sexes. Shouldn’t really have to announce what we all know from the age of two, but apparently we do – so good show! The end of ineffectual, self-destructive net-zero policies when 80 per cent of the world still runs on fossil fuels. Effing fabulous! I’m even keen on being able to buy higher-volume shower nozzles, which you wouldn’t think should require presidential intervention in the Land of the Free.

Her only compliant? That Trump has not used legislation to carry out what she calls “his commendable initiatives,” but rather, relied on “flimsy executive orders, lazy and monarchical edicts that a Democratic president could instantly reverse four years from now.” (I find it interesting that she thinks there will even be free elections four years from now, let alone that the Democratic candidate might win, especially given that she wishes that party would stay “far longer in the wilderness to learn its lesson [careen left, fall off edge of Earth].”)

No, Trumpist authoritarianism does not seem to bother Lionel at all, and indeed actively thrills her. Bemoaning the damage to the global economy that Donald’s tariffs will admittedly do, her greatest fear is that the electorate will turn on him and reverse the Project 2025 agenda that is now in progress, saying, “I desperately want us to bury Woke World deep under the sea like a depraved Atlantis. That opportunity could now be slipping away.”

One thing we can conclude from this, perhaps, is that Shiver’s definition of “authoritarianism“ is not like most people’s, nor the dictionary’s. Another is that she is simply a colossal hypocrite and self-deluding egomaniac. (Careful what you wish for, Lionel. With that masculine name of yours, Trump’s “pro-family”/ tradwife bigots may well come for you, too, despite your valiant service to the autocracy.)

But in a way, seeing her post-election commentary makes me less bothered than before, as it bluntly exposes her as a hack. Many people clocked that about her well before November, even as others gave her the benefit of the doubt on the basis of her literary credentials. But now there can be no doubt. For anyone other than the MAGA faithful and their fellow travelers, Lionel Shriver has no credibility whatsoever as a serious political observer. She is nothing but a brazen fascist collaborator and enabler, and an insufferably smug one at that.

So I’ll leave the final verdict on Shriver’s place in literature to the critics. But when it comes to politics, if she is remembered at all, I suspect she will go down as one of these strange, pro-fascist artistic outliers: File under Ezra Pound.

History will not be kind to the Lionel Shrivers of the world, nor to Lionel Shriver herself.

*********

Photo: David Azia / AP

The Doors of Perception

For many of us, the hardest thing about losing the 2024 presidential election was the bitter injustice that the American people could look at the most manifestly terrible, openly criminal president in US history—one who had already demonstrated his unfitness in office to the tune of hundreds of thousands of dead, kidnapping of children as a matter of state policy, wanton kleptocracy, and a violent attempt to overturn an election, a man who ran a batshit crazy re-election campaign openly promising retribution and dictatorship—and return him to the White House anyway.

Is our country really that ill?

On that count, amid all the think-pieces that have come out in the wake of the election, the one that has given me the most clarity was from Michael Tomasky, editor of The New Republic. In the piece, called “Why Does No One Understand the Real Reason Trump Won?”, he argues convincingly that the heart of the problem is the massive right wing propaganda machine that has assumed dominance in most of this country.

Today, the right-wing media—Fox News (and the entire News Corp.), Newsmax, One America News Network, the Sinclair network of radio and TV stations and newspapers, iHeart Media (formerly Clear Channel), the Bott Radio Network (Christian radio), Elon Musk’s X, the huge podcasts like Joe Rogan’s, and much more—sets the news agenda in this country. And they fed their audiences a diet of slanted and distorted information that made it possible for Trump to win.

Tomasky goes on to say that it is now obvious that the right-wing media has more power than the mainstream media.

It’s not just that it’s bigger. It’s that it speaks with one voice, and that voice says Democrats and liberals are treasonous elitists who hate you, and Republicans and conservatives love God and country and are your last line of defense against your son coming home from school your daughter.

And that is why Donald Trump won. Indeed, the right-wing media is why he exists in our political lives in the first place.

Too true. (In fact, the very terms no longer apply. When we say “mainstream media,” most people imagine The New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, the broadcast networks et al. But really, in terms of sheer numbers and reach, it is Fox and the rest of the right wing mediasphere that is the MSM.)

Tomasky asked Matt Gertz of Media Matters the hypothetical question: “If someone moved to America from Ulan Bator, Mongolia in the summer and watched only Fox News, what would that person learn about Kamala Harris?”

“You would know that she is a very stupid person,” Gertz said. “You’d know that she orchestrated a coup against Joe Biden. That she’s a crazed extremist. And that she very much does not care about you.” Same Ulan Bator question about Trump? That he’s been “the target of a vicious witch-hunt for years and years,” that he is under constant assault; and most importantly, that he is “doing it all for you.”

To much of America, by the way, this is not understood as one side’s view of things. It’s simply “the news.” This is what people—white people, chiefly—watch in about two-thirds of the country. I trust that you’ve seen in your travels, as I have in mine, that in red or even some purple parts of the country, when you walk into a hotel lobby or a hospital waiting room or even a bar, where the TVs ought to be offering us some peace and just showing ESPN, at least one television is tuned to Fox. That’s reach, and that’s power. And then people get in their cars to drive home and listen to an iHeart, right-wing talk radio station. And then they get home and watch their local news and it’s owned by Sinclair, and it, too, has a clear right-wing slant. And then they pick up their local paper, if it still exists, and the op-ed page features Cal Thomas and Ben Shapiro.

I found Tomasky’s piece weirdly comforting—maybe the first thing that had that effect on me since Trump’s win—if only because it offers some explanation for the otherwise inexplicable hysteria that caused a majority of American voters to choose the worst imaginable candidate. In fact, if you accept his thesis (and I do), it’s almost inevitable. If you bathe a people in that kind of relentless propaganda—with technology never before available to previous demagogues—OF COURSE this will be the result.

That analysis also helps us understand that, in order to defeat this neo-fascist movement, the one essential and non-negotiable subtask that we have is to change public perception and take control of that narrative.

THE MEDIUM IS THE MASSAGE

If one digs into the great theoreticians of war, from Sun Tzu to Clausewitz, a steady theme emerges: it is perception, not the actual facts on the ground, that are determinative.

As I wrote in my book Resisting the Right, ultimately, all political conflict is psychological, which by extension means that perception is everything, which by extension means that communication is the weaponry of choice and the “information space”—to use the fashionable term—is the arena.

Just prior to the election, The Bulwark’s Jonathan V. Last wrote of how the punditocracy had spent eight or nine years grappling with Trump’s ascent to power despite the will of the majority. But his victory in 2024—via a plurality, and expanding his numbers from 2016 and 2020—exploded (or at least altered) that whole premise. Unlike previous elections, this time “a significant percentage of our fellow citizens wanted him, and all his works, and all his empty promises…..If 47 percent of the country wants fascism, then eventually it will get fascism. You can’t simply dissolve the people and elect another.”

But why do they want fascism?

Also before the election, Last had another piece in The Bulwark in which he noted that, by any objective reading, the Democrats governed very successfully over the past four years. “Biden took office with a pandemic raging and people dying by the thousands every day. He beat COVID, oversaw a soft-landing from the post-pandemic shocks, and passed a lot of popular, bipartisan legislation.” Last compares the Biden presidency to that of Bush 41: “A successful enterprise that was well regarded by history.” But there’s one big difference:

George H.W. Bush lost to a next-generation political talent while enduring a mild recession. And Biden would have seen his hand-picked successor—herself a next-gen talent—lose to a bloated, doddering felon in the middle of a steady economic expansion.

It’s one thing to lose with Jimmy Carter in 1980 and have to rethink your party’s approach to governing. It’s another thing to do everything people want—pass popular legislation, have a good economy, and win the most votes—and still lose.

The chief difference between now and 1992, let alone 1980, is the capture of American media by the aforementioned propaganda empire. By controlling the flow and shape of information, the right wing controls the national discourse—that is Orwell 101. John Dean famously said that if there had been Fox News during Watergate, Nixon would never have been forced to resign, and it’s all but impossible to disagree.

You know the term “low information voter”? A new study by the organization Data for Progress showed that people who paid “a great deal” of attention to political news voted for Kamala +6, while those who paid “none at all” went +19 for Trump. That ignorance has been weaponized by the right. (As has been widely reported, many people who consume only Fox News and its ilk never even heard of things like the House Committee on January 6th.)

As if to prove the point, The New York Times recently published a survey of 14 demographically diverse Trump voters, asking why they voted the way they did. Those respondents said they voted for Trump because he’s smart, because he’s good with money, because he handled healthcare really well, and because of all the great things he accomplished in his four years, as opposed to the nothing that was accomplished during Biden‘s.

(Pause to reattach top of skull.)

These are not subjective differences of opinion to which their holders are entitled: these are insane beliefs in demonstrable falsehoods, akin to the flatness of the Earth. The only plausible reasons that so many people hold them is that they have been inundated with lies, which they have internalized.

Now, if you’re predisposed to back the GOP, you may say: “OK, King’s Necktie, lemme get this straight. You’re saying that the only reason all these voters supported Trump is because they’re stupid? Or tricked? Talk about elitist and condescending! And you wonder why they hate you!”

Nice try, but I know how to spot a trap. What I am saying is that much of America has been bathing in relentless right wing indoctrination—positively marinating in it. Psychologists and psychiatrists will tell you that even the strongest soul is not immune to that. (Hence the perniciousness of social media.) That’s precisely what Stockholm syndrome is all about.

As for the implications, on BlueSky (find me there at @robertsedwards.bsky.social), the comment from The Times’ own Jamelle Bouie said it all:

“We’re cooked.”

And the right wing chokehold on news in this country is but one part of the problem. The obliteration of objective reality in the Trump era—probably its most lasting and damaging legacy—is another, one that goes hand in hand with the former. But both those phenomena are exacerbated by the left’s incompetence at conveying our own message.

Richard Dresser, creator of the podcast “It Happened Here” starring Edie Falco, Tony Shalhoub, and John Turturro, based on his novel, told me: “Given that generally accepted objective truth is, if not dead then on life support, whoever tells the better story wins. Republicans tell a simple, straightforward story that sticks. Democrats do not. Therein lies the challenge.”

Changing the minds of our fellow Americans is therefore the pressure point at which we must aim, and central to any kind of pro-democracy movement we hope to mount. We will not be able to win future elections until we are able to convey a compelling, direct, and honest story to the American people about what progressivism can do for them and what Trumpism will not. That is a tall order when the right wing has such a lock on the media diet of most Americans. It would be challenge enough even if reactionaries weren’t also willing and eager to lie their asses off when the facts inconveniently don’t support their desired goals. (The ultimate example: trickle down economics.) Progressives are at a further disadvantage in arguing for nuanced policies, as opposed to simplistic, reptile brain ones. That is why there’s no left-wing talk radio, at least not the commercially successful kind. The very nature of progressive dialogue—open, inquisitive, fact-based—is antithetical to the form, which thrives on pro wrestlingstyle mockery and rewards facile bumper sticker sloganeering.

So we are in an asymmetrical struggle to say the least. Yes, it’s hard when you’re up against liars and demagogues pushing a simplistic message that is flatout disinformation, with a massive propaganda machine to promote it, and a large swath of the public that readily accepts it. But that’s the fight we’re in. Short of surrender, what is the alternative?

RATIONALITY AND RATIONALIZATION

One thing we keep hearing in Blue America is that things are gonna get so bad that Trump voters will soon rue their votes. Maybe. I’ll confess to clinging to the comforting idea of “buyer’s remorse” myself. It only makes sense, right?

When the economy implodes and prices go up not down due to an insane trade policy, when our allies flee from us, when we watch Ukraine obliterated and Gaza turned into a sheet of glass, when we see ICE hauling families and small children away and putting them in concentration camps, when children begin to die from routine diseases because they’re no longer required to be vaccinated, when our air and water get dirtier, when the climate emergency accelerates beyond the point of no return, when dissent is suppressed, when trans people are attacked and brutalized and denied medical care, when there is a nationwide abortion ban and women regularly die because doctors are afraid to treat them, when voting rights are restricted even further, when Trump pardons all the January 6 insurrectionists, when he summarily shuts down all the criminal and civil cases in which he’s been charged and even convicted, when the rich get richer, when the very worst imaginable people continue to be chosen for the most important, sensitive, and powerful jobs in public life….will the American people wake up and say, “Uh, this isn’t what we wanted.”

You’d think they would.

Even though he has continued to beat the odds and demagogue his way to wildly unjust success, Trump is far from invincible. (He’s vincible, as Flight of the Conchords would say.) As George Packer recently wrote in The Atlantic, Trump’s movement is “more fragile than it now seems,” and it’s “quite possible that, approaching 80, Trump will find himself once more among the least popular presidents in the country’s history.”

But to exploit those vulnerabilities, we have to seize control of the narrative. If not, the right wing will just take all that bad shit that should rightly be blamed on Trump and his army of flying monkeys and turn it back on us. Inflation still bad in October 2028? It’s Biden’s fault! (Or maybe Trump just pulls out his Sharpie and tells people inflation isn’t high at all, even though they can see it with their own eyes.) Little children screaming for their mothers in concentration camps? They brought it on themselves! Terrorist attacks in New York and Washington while Tulsi Gabbard routes US intelligence directly to the Kremlin? Wokeness made us weak!

You see how this works?

Trump is already laying the groundwork to lower expectations and deflect blame. For example, after claiming over and over on the campaign trail that he would magically end inflation, he is now warning that he might not be able to do so, telling Time Magazine, “I’d like to bring (prices) down. It’s hard to bring things down once they’re up. You know, it’s very hard.”

Oh, OK–never mind then.

Will all the trauma that we are about to endure—economically, environmentally, internationally, morally—cause voters to turn on the people who brought this avalanche of shit down upon us? In a rational world, of course it would. Thermostatics argues that the fickle electorate always wants to “throw the bums out,” and that phenomenon should be even more operative on our behalf after four more years of the kakistocracy. But clearly we are not living in a rational world or we wouldn’t be in this fine Laurel & Hardy-like mess in the first place. And there’s no reason to be confident that even this epic shitshow will break the spell.

When things inevitably go to hell in next two years—and make no mistake, they will—it is by no means a sure thing the American people will hold the correct people culpable. In fact, no less a seer than the recently retired Paul Krugman and his Nobel Prize predicts massive shock once Trump’s policies go into effect and the American people realize how badly they’ve been scammed….but not necessarily a subsequent turning on Trump by his voters. Because that mutiny by Trump voters hinges on a (very) late-dawning awareness that he’s a con man and that they got screwed.

To that end, in a scathing and incisive essay for the online newsletter The Editorial Board, John Stoehr asks why we expect so much from the very same people who were benighted enough to buy Trump’s lies in the first place?

So let me get this straight.  People who can’t or won’t understand tariffs are going to deduce all by themselves that tariffs are the reason they’re now paying three and four times more for their sneakers, T-shirts and video-game consoles? People who voted against their own economic interests are going to figure out on their own what exactly those interests are, but only after they’ve been screwed over by the president they voted for?

Why should we place our democratic faith, and the future of the republic, in their hands?  It’s not like Trump had an agenda to bring down the cost of living. All he said was “Make America Great Again.” Deport “illegals.” Suppress transgender rights. Beat down weak and marginalized folks. Voilà! 

To paraphrase Mark Twain, it would be easier to continue scamming these people than convince them that they’ve been scammed. And the scamming will continue.

Here we go back to the power of propaganda. Stoehr notes that the “right wing media apparatus, which is global in scale, prevented these voters from knowing what Joe Biden and Kamala Harris had done for the economy, inflation, wages and the GDP, but especially for the material interests of the white working class.”

Biden and Harris literally ditched 40 years of supply-side consensus in favor of growing the economy, as Biden liked to say, from the bottom up and middle out. But no one who watches Fox or listens to Joe Rogan or reads The Daily Wire or sees YouTube ads for gold bullion knows any of that. 

This same rightwing media apparatus, which has only grown larger since 2020, is going to prevent Trump voters from knowing who’s responsible for price hikes, job losses and soaring interest rates that will be directly attributable to deportations, tariffs and other insane policies. If there’s someone to blame, it won’t be Donald Trump. It will be RINOs or “Marxist, communist, fascist, socialists” or immigrants. These people believe mothers “abort” babies after they’re born or if they don’t believe it, they don’t mind people who say so. They believe a student goes to school as a girl and comes back as a boy or if they don’t believe it, they don’t mind people who say so. Even if we give them the maximum benefit of the doubt, and treat them more like children than adults, are we going to trust them to realize Trump is bad for them?

And even if Trump voters turn against Trump, thus creating an opportunity for the Democrats to win them over, are they going to recognize what the Democrats are offering in terms of economic policy given the hold the rightwing media apparatus has on them and given their past record of voting against their own economic interests?

(Stoehr also notes that, atop the complicity of the media, Team Trump will undoubtedly cook the numbers on jobs, inflation, consumer spending, and all other forms of government data in its own administration. Do you think for a New York minute that it will not?)

As if that were not bad enough, Stoehr also points out that the right wing media—which is to say, the MSM—has a force multiplier in the allegedly respectable Washington press corps, which “habitually launders Trump’s talking points and, as we have seen, appeases him by either self-censoring or acting as if already under threat of investigation or prosecution by his administration.”

A galling case in point, one of many from which to choose. Speaking to Kristin Welker on “Meet the Press” last week, Trump said that the members of the House January 6th committee should be jailed, and The Washington Post’s response was to report: “it is exceedingly abnormal for the leader of a democracy to express a desire to see political opponents jailed.”

Yes, and it was also rather unusual for the leader of a Central European country to conduct live fire training across the border in Poland.

When a president-elect casually suggests the most hamhanded, dead giveaway move from page one of the authoritarian handbook and the press just shrugs, should we be surprised that the general public doesn’t think it’s a big deal? When the Washington Post added “Democracy dies in darkness” to its masthead, I didn’t realize they were bragging about it as they unscrewed the lightbulb.

TEA PARTY 2.0

So faced with the right wing PSYOPS juggernaut and an electorate largely drunk on its Kool-Aid, how can we make our case?

For starters, we have to get past our belief in legacy media and come to grips with the fact that The New York Times, CNN, The Atlantic, etc do not drive public opinion in the age of TikTok and Joe Rogan. Even if everyone you know still consumes those storied periodicals, they are like a joke out of a Woody Allen movie. It’s shocking that the Republicans—the party of old people and (let’s just say it) dumb people—are more adept in the new media world than we are, but they clearly are.

In a piece for The Bulwark from 2022 called “How Democrats Can Win the Information War,”the apostate Republican Ron Filipkowski argues that we can’t rely on legacy media to counter viral propaganda and disinformation, since “the traditional media is constitutionally incapable of being a counter to the alternative ecosystem the right wing has constructed. Our media is structured to report facts about the way the world functions in a liberal society, not act as a counterweight to an else-worlds propaganda machine.”

“Democrats should take the fight directly to the right on their own platforms,” he writes, bemoaning the fact that the left has not already taken up this approach. “Either Democrats fail to recognize what is happening, don’t understand it, or think that a handful of PACs and White House press conferences are sufficient to deal with it. Either way, they’re wrong. The DNC’s ‘War Room’ looks like a Victorian tea party compared to what Republicans do on a daily basis.”

We could also take a page out of our foes’ very own handbook. In a piece for The New Republic called “Liberals Have Much to Learn From MAGA,” Ana Marie Cox argues that “what the Democrats need to do is ape the tactics and the artifice that bring the extremist right to power.” In her bold proposal, we should stop being beholden to a feckless centrism and so afraid of our own policy platform, and instead co-opt the right’s “tone of outrage.”

These guys are so angry about what they see in the world, and they’re not only not afraid to say so, they present righting these fancied wrongs as justice! In a world where the status quo seems to be rigged against ordinary people, voters seem drawn to those willing to spar and shake things up—they may not always literally agree with what’s being said, but they admire what looks to them like the courage necessary to smash a rigged system. 

In that same magazine, Michael Tomasky recently wrote eloquently about relying less on outrage and more on practical solutions. But to my ears, that isn’t the kind of outrage Cox means—the tedious outrage that “Donald Trump is horrible.” We all know that, and most of America obviously doesn’t care. Cox is talking about weaponized, righteous outrage that can be used against MAGA Nation, which is accustomed to having that tool all to itself.

Democrats should ape this fighting spirit, and flip the script on the reactionaries. What do you mean I can’t say “BIPOC” anymore, bro? Are you policing my language? Hey, pal, you’re coming after MY RIGHT to take care of my children as I see best? What’s next? You gonna try to stop me from sending my kids to the same public schools my parents sent me to? WTF, my dude, ARE YOU SAYING YOU WANT MY CHILDREN TO DROWN IN A RISING OCEAN? As you might surmise, I think emphasizing the tried and true “What about the children?” really helps. But I’d also emphasize the need to attack the GOP at the precise points they present as their strongest.

Similarly, in The Nation, Waleed Shahid criticizes the Democrats’ reluctance to embrace populist appeals, a failure that “allowed their opponents to seize the public’s attention.”

Trump’s simple, emotionally charged narrative about fixing the economy, winding down foreign wars, restoring order, and protecting “traditional” American values may have been filled with bigotry and lies. But it commanded the public discourse, pushing the Biden-Harris administration off center stage.

If we can’t craft an equally compelling vision, we don’t deserve to win.

Cox writes that “Democrats need fierce, loud, righteous occupiers of the public square, asserting and celebrating our values. People who will go to school board and city council meetings—and run for seats on them, elections where with such low turnout just a small expenditure could make a huge difference.”

She also writes of another strategy that, she says pungently, “the left can lift from those MAGA assholes”:

Never stop accusing them of being out of step from the mainstream. Never stop calling them weird. Never stop reminding the public of the out-of-touch billionaires Trump is bringing to Washington to rule over us. And never stop pointing out the harms done by this gang’s policies—and by the rulings of their pet Supreme Court.

There is a red and a blue America; blue America is a better place to live. There is an “us” and a “them.” Democrats need to get in the conflict and be an opposition party again.

Again, one might argue that we have been loudly pointing this shit out for eight years and much of America doesn’t give a damn. But some of those attacks do find their target. I would submit that simply pointing out that Donald Trump is a bad person has proven pretty ineffective….but pointing out how he and his cronies are ripping you off might find more purchase.

Changing the narrative isn’t just talk, of course: it helps to actually do shit, especially at the local level. As Stoehr writes, the Biden White House did plenty, from the IRA to CHIPs and beyond. But did you hear about it? Half the Republican electorate thinks the GOP delivered those goods, because the same GOP congressmembers who voted against that legislation shamelessly went back to their districts and claimed credit for the benefits those new bills delivered.

We ought to be able to make that case, and without too much trouble, because we are actually doing things that the public wants, while the Republicans are not. In a blind taste test ahead of the election, voters overwhelmingly preferred the Harris/Walz agenda to that of Trump/Vance, when they didn’t know whose program was whose. But the public is not getting the word. Cox again:

Here’s a dirty little secret: Very few MAGA policy prescriptions are genuinely popular. Some of them—banning in vitro fertilization and contraception—are quite unpopular! They are now on the table because a bunch of once-obscure right-wing activists worked around the margins of our politics to build institutional consent for their ideas and, most significantly, build a federal judiciary willing to countenance some of the wilder notions being kicked around the conservative think tank industrial complex. All the while, as these pieces on the chessboard were being aligned, more mainstream Republicans lied about their willingness to stand up to the extremists in their midst. (Looking at you, Susan Collins!) 

The right wing media is the unreliable narrator to end all unreliable narrators. But the one advantage we have over the liars and cheats on the other side is that the story we are telling is actually true, and does not require PT Barnum-grade perfidy and spin.

“I believe that many of the people who have been turned by lies can be won back with irrefutable truth,” Filipkowski writes, “but the truth has to be put right in front of them, meeting them where they are.”

I am less convinced than he that MAGA Nation will listen to reason, and a lie famously goes round the world while the truth is still lacing up its Nikes and making sure the bows are neat. But we must try. The price of failure will be enormous.

TICK TOCK

The midterms are less than two years away, which is both good news and bad. Good in that the clock is already ticking—fast—on Trump’s attempt to install a permanent right wing autocracy with his family at the head, forever. The bad news is that the clock is ticking—fast—for us too. We have less than 23 months to change the story that Americans currently believe about the two parties, and who is the best steward of the public good. If we do not, we will not be able to stymie the right wing, nor win back either house of Congress, nor have a prayer of retaking the Oval Office in ‘28.

John Stoehr one last time: “The world never changed for the better because a majority wanted it to. It changed because a righteous minority demanded it.” And that demand begins with telling a compelling story.

So maybe there comes a time when America comes to its senses and recognizes the patently obvious. But not so long as the right wing has a death grip on the media, and on the broader story that we as a people tell ourselves about who we are and the state of the country in which we live, and not so long as we do a poor job of offering a compelling counter-narrative.  

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Illustration: Pancho Leiner

Image sources: Eva Almqvist via Getty Images; Justin Sullivan / Getty Images

Fascism Gets Thrown a Curve (f/t an excerpt from “Resisting the Right”)

So the twists are not exactly stopping, are they?

In my last two entries for this blog, I recounted the startling turns that the presidential race has taken in the last four weeks, from the disaster of Biden’s debate performance, to the Supreme Court’s no-look pass that allowed Judge Aileen “Employee of the Month” Cannon to dismiss felony charges against Trump for stealing government secrets, to SCOTUS’s outrageous ranks-closing to protect Trump from prosecution on charges of trying overturn the 2020 election (and granting him the powers of a dictator should he win again), to the assassination attempt on Trump’s life that for many might as well have been a coronation, to the Leni Riefenstahl-ready informercial that was the Republican convention. I don’t have to tell you, it had been a brutal month for the prospects of democracy in the United States.

So the latest 115mph curveball—Joe Biden’s heroic, legacy-defining decision to step aside in favor of Kamala Harris—was yet another wild twist, and a very very welcome one. Oceans of ink have already been spilled on the topic which I won’t add to here.

Well, maybe a little.

THIS JUST IN: LIFE IS UNFAIR

I was among the many who were deeply relieved by Joe’s decision, and admiring of it. As Jonathan V. Last wrote in The Bulwark:

I submit to you that no other president in our lifetimes would have believed that he was replaceable. None of those guys could have even countenanced the idea that the country might be better served if he passed the torch. Biden’s humility in this act is so unique that we risk overlooking it and failing to appreciate how singular and extraordinary it is.

In other words, history is going to be kind to Joe Biden—especially if Kamala wins. So I’ll reserve my thoughts on the former while we concentrate on ensuring the latter.

When Biden announced his withdrawal from the race, it was like a dam broke on the left. I was unprepared for (but incredibly pleased by) the wave of enthusiasm and the depths of the passion, which—with all due respect to Joe—just goes to show you how desperate the American people were for a strong, exciting candidate to take on Donald Trump. That in itself was deeply cheering.

The Republicans seemed utterly shocked at Biden’s decision, which is astounding, given that it had been a strong (if unprecedented) possibility ever since the night of June 27. The consensus seems to be that Trump and the GOP could not conceive of a truly patriotic and selfless leader who would put the country before himself, and were therefore caught absolutely flat-footed. Authoritarianism has many tactical and strategic advantages when it comes to politics, but this baked-in shortsightedness born of avarice and venality is one of its major disadvantages. And boo hoo, says I.

Trump has even complained that the GOP should get its money back because it spent so much demonizing an opponent who’s not going to be the Democratic nominee. It was glorious to watch him in his familiar toddler mode, holding his breath and stamping his feet because it’s not fair, it’s not, it’s not, it’s not!!!!

Republican claims that Biden was the victim of a coup (well, they are the coup experts) and  arguments that his deferral to Kamala is anti-democratic (again: the experts) or even illegal (and a triple!) are risible. The truth, of course, is that they are simply furious at being outmaneuvered. Their whole campaign was “Biden is old.” Now they’re the ones with the mentally impaired AARP nominee, facing an opponent whom they don’t yet know how to attack, except in the most obvious and disgusting way. It was no surprise that horrific racism and misogyny immediately began pouring forth from the right wing….so much so that just three days in, Mike Johnson had to tell his members, “Hey guys, tone it down, OK?” Uh, when you have to tell them that….you can fill in the rest.

But even these despicable attacks on the new Democratic nominee might backfire when it becomes clear that that’s what the GOP is doing. And it’s clear. The racists and misogynists and anti-Semites are already on Team Trump: I suspect further attacks on that front won’t attract many new voters…..but they will alienate plenty of them. This isn’t 1988 anymore, and while the Willie Horton playbook remains very much operative in the mind of MAGA Nation, the rest of America is hip to it. But we shall see. I underestimated the scope and virulence of that kind of bigotry in the Obama years and in 2016, so I am not letting down my guard.

In short, the race has been completely transformed. For Kamala to win is still a challenging task. Trump and his campaign managers—including the architect of the Swift Boating of John Kerry—will certainly pull out all the KKK-brand stops, and I’m sure they will eventually find some footing. But we are in a whole new world. So let’s keep the passion up, and the momentum, and drive this motherfucker down to defeat once and for all. It’s glorious to see that, at long last, the sane segment of the American public is alive with passion and the belief that we can in fact do so.

EVERYDAY I WRITE THE BOOK

This week also marks the publication of my new book, Resisting the Right: How to Survive the Gathering Storm, a kind of handbook for how to prevail if Trump returns to power. I wrote it over the past two years not because of some fatalistic assumption that that dark fate would come to pass. On the contrary: I have always believed that we can beat Trump, and in the wake of Joe’s withdrawal from the race, I am more convinced of that than ever. But as a matter of sheer prudence, I thought it wise to look over the horizon (as the Pentagon says) and prepare ourselves for the worst case scenario. For even if we defeat Trump in November, as I believe we will, even when his cheeseburgers-and-Diet-Coke-addled corporeal form is rotting in his grave,  the neo-fascist movement that he represents will still be with us.

The first part of the book therefore surveys how we got to this alarming state of affairs in the first place, and the long term structural changes we can make to shore up our democracy against right wing authoritarianism in the future. As we are about 100 days out from Election Day in the midst of a radically transformed presidential race, and with our hopes newly invigorated and the Republicans on their heels for a change, it’s that “nightmare prevention” aspect of the book that I’d like to focus on in the excerpt that follows.

As the American people get ready to go to the polls to vote in what is inarguably the most important election of our lifetimes (yes, I know you’re tired of hearing it, but it’s true—again), it’s worth taking a look at what the Republican Party is and stands for, as it makes the gobsmacking request that we put it back into power less than four years after it tried to overturn the last free and fair election.

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From Resisting the Right, now available from OR Books, at your local bookstore, or from the usual online retailers:

THE PLOT AGAINST AMERICA

The contemporary Republican Party is unrecognizable from the GOP of only a few decades ago. Both Nixon and Reagan would be ostracized from the Republican Party of today. On taxes, on the environment, on foreign policy, on nuclear arms control, on wage and price controls—across a range of issues, they championed ideas that would cause the contemporary GOP to scream liberalism, or even socialism. More likely, if I may speculate, those men, operating in today’s climate, would have quickly changed their tune, as so many other contemporary Republican politicians have done, keenly aware of the melody that the right-wing piper is calling.

All political parties look for wedge issues to peel voters away from their opponents, but the GOP has made an art form of it. In his 2012 book The Party Is Over: How Republicans Went Crazy, Democrats Became Useless, and the Middle Class Got Shafted, Mike Lofgren, a longtime GOP congressional staffer, pulled back the curtain on this kayfabe, declaring in an interview with Truthout that same year: “The primary purpose of the GOP these days is to provide tax breaks and other financial advantages—such as not regulating pollution and other socially costly externalities—to their wealthy donor base. All the rest of their platform, all the culture wars stuff, is simply rube bait.”

That “rube bait” included guns, abortion, homosexuality, trans rights, immigration, and a whole slate of other social issues that the plutocratic wing of the party did not really care about. Trump himself—who had been a registered Democrat for almost a decade before running against Clinton—was very much on record as being pro-choice, moved comfortably in circles with gay people, and was generally live-and-let-live….appropriate for someone who was himself so libertine. But he was also happy to reverse course like a stunt car driver doing a screeching, rubber-burning one-eighty when it served his ends. Prior to that, Trump’s low-information liberalism was largely a function of the well-to-do Manhattan milieu in which he moved. It was not a world where Confederate flag decals and gun racks were often seen on Lincoln Town Cars. But as a natural-born shitbag with a long history of ignorant, incendiary, unsolicited commentary (see: the Central Park jogger case), Trump had no problem whatsoever feeding the most disgusting instincts of the GOP’s aptly named base. But like all demagogues, he also took his cues from his audience, and tailored his act to suit it. In that regard, he was simultaneously leading the mob and following it.

For example, the Republican Party of the 20th century had always had a nativist bent, but the euphemistic “family separation policy”—better described as a deliberate and openly sadistic campaign of kidnapping small children and caging them in inhuman conditions—represented a new low of almost incomprehensible depths. As Caitlin Dickerson concluded in her Pulitzer Prize-winning reportage for The Atlantic, “family separation” wasn’t an unfortunate by-product of Trump’s border policy: it was the goal, aimed purely at punishing migrants and thrilling the base. Or her Atlantic colleague Adam Serwer wrote, in what might be the single most memorable comment ever made about the Trump administration, “The cruelty is the point.”

This willingness of both casual conservatives and diehard denizens of MAGA Nation to get onboard with Trump’s worst atrocities was a worrying sign—a chilling homegrown demonstration of Arendt’s banality of evil, and the crucial complicity of the great swath of nonchalant citizenry in abetting the monstrous actions of authoritarian regimes. And it would only accelerate throughout his time in office.

This hold Trump had on his followers—and still has, for many of them—has led many observers to refer to Trumpism as a “cult-like” phenomenon. But other experts argue that the modifier is unnecessary.

In a 2018 piece for Truthdig called “The Cult of Trump,” the journalist and author Chris Hedges outlines the ways in which Trump’s followers meet the dictionary definition of a cult, and not just metaphorically, noting that the “more outrageous the cult leaders become, the more they flout law and social conventions, the more they gain in popularity.”[i] Hedges goes on at length: about the use of the language of hate and violence; of fearmongering and divisiveness; of the denial of objective reality and the malleability of facts and truth, even when it comes to the leader’s own past statements; of the leader’s bombast and grandiosity, emotional abusiveness, and insecurity; and of the fawning obedience they demand, and the psychology of their followers’ willingness to submit.

Sound familiar?

Of course, not all Republicans can be said to be in the grip of the Trumpist cult of personality the way that its most Kool-Aid-drunk adherents are. In some ways, however, the Republicans who are not Trump cultists but merely making a cynical, utilitarian calculation are worse, in that they cannot be excused by reason of mental incapacitation. They are quislings and collaborators who will one day face history’s harshest verdict. (Looking at you, J.D.)

As New York magazine’s Jonathan Chait writes: “Would-be dictators gain crucial support from allies in the political system who may not be committed authoritarians themselves but side with a factional leader who will advance their policy goals at the expense of democracy,” a segment the Spanish political scientist Juan Linz calls “semi-loyal actors.”[ii] In The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes (1978), Linz, who was born in Germany on the eve of the Nazi era, writes that in order to stop a political party that is showing autocratic tendencies, reasonable political parties that are otherwise in opposition to each other must join together—in other words, put country before party. It happened in Belgium and Finland in the early 1930s, successfully stopping the rise of homegrown authoritarian parties even as kindred spirits rose to power elsewhere in Europe. As recently as 2016 it happened in Austria, despite that nation’s chilling history of susceptibility to fascism. In the United States, it would have meant key leaders of the Republican Party breaking ranks to join with Democrats in opposing Trump, publicly announcing the threat he posed to the nation, and perhaps even declaring their support for Hillary Clinton. Precious few did, and those were all excommunicated, or left the GOP willingly before that sentence was pronounced upon them.

The question of whether or not Trumpism is a literal cult, then, is ultimately moot. Even absent Trump himself, right-wing fanaticism in the United States remains extraordinarily dangerous, such that—as Hedges points out—the mere demise of the man and the breaking of the fever of his followers will not solve our long-term problem. We must salt the earth from which it sprung.

THE DEATH OF NORMALCY

The enduring notion that Trump was an aberration in US politics, or that the GOP would return to some sort of “normalcy” if and when he is ejected from a position of power, flies in the face of history.

Trump represents the logical end state of the process that began with the Southern Strategy, carried on with Reagan’s courting of the religious right, and came to a boil with Newt Gingrich and the rise of politics as bloodsport. The GOP’s alliance with segregationist dead-enders, and then with Christian fundamentalists, and finally with outright white nationalist semi-fascists comprising both of those strains, was a deal with the devil that had finally come due. The plutocrats had imagined that they could use these allies as shock troops, and for a time they did. But now the center of gravity in the party has shifted to its openly seditionist, neo-Confederate faction. We should therefore postpone any mourning parties for the “Rockefeller wing” of the GOP, which after all, brought this fate on itself, and continues to be a willing—now junior—partner in this antidemocratic axis. The irony of its sorcerer’s apprentice-like plight in no way mitigates the danger to the entire nation, and world, that it unleashed.   

It’s true that the tension between MAGA Nation and those Republicans who merely grit their teeth as they bend the knee to Trump may help keep the party paralyzed, a case of malevolence tempered by squabbling. But as the anti-Trump conservative Jennifer Rubin notes in The Washington Post, the media rarely holds the GOP “moderates” to account and does “a disservice to the voters by characterizing them as somehow more sensible than the Freedom Caucus crazies.” Team Normal, as it likes to style itself, has thus far not shown enough courage to power a nightlight, belying its own self-flattering moniker. 

The fact is, there is little evidence that the policies that the moderates wish to pursue are much different from that of the party’s far-right wing. As Rubin writes, “it would take only a few of them to defeat radical measures. Yet time and again, they cave”—because the ends they seek are largely the same even if their methods are less aggressive.[iii] Caving, then, is almost too generous. The pattern of centrist submission suggests either cowardice or dishonesty, with these alleged moderates using the seditionists as cover to advance far-right policies with which they privately agree.

Rubin’s fellow conservative Robert Kagan goes further, arguing that these ostensibly anti-Trump Republicans, consciously or not, are actually aiding the Trumpist cause by insisting on business as usual “even though they know that Trump’s lieutenants in their party are working to subvert the next presidential election.”

Revolutionary movements usually operate outside a society’s power structures. But the Trump movement also enjoys unprecedented influence within those structures. It dominates the coverage on several cable news networks, numerous conservative magazines, hundreds of talk radio stations and all kinds of online platforms. It has access to financing from rich individuals and the Republican National Committee’s donor pool. And, not least, it controls one of the country’s two national parties. All that is reason enough to expect another challenge, for what movement would fail to take advantage of such favorable circumstances to make a play for power?

Personally, I am astonished that any American gives the Republican Party even passing consideration as a viable political organization, or that any candidate can run under its banner without crippling shame. But apparently you can kidnap and cage children as a matter of deliberate policy, preside over the deaths of half a million Americans through sheer malevolence, and try to overthrow the government on your way out, and still demand to be treated like legitimate public servants. 

Why do people continue to support this openly neofascist, would-be theocratic party that is openly rife with corruption, brazenly antagonistic to the basic ideals of this nation, eager to suppress your vote, and dedicated to a long-discredited brand of reverse Robin Hood economics that hurts the very people it claims to champion? I know that just asking the question invites withering criticism for being a snotty and condescending “coastal elite.” But the Republican Party did so much damage to this country in so many different ways during the Trump years (we can go back further if need be, but that period will suffice) that no sentient American ought to give it the time of day unless and until it undergoes a radical reformation of a kind it seems unlikely to undertake.

In a 2022 interview with Al-Jazeera, Noam Chomsky noted that, in the past, he had typically described the Republican and Democratic Parties as merely two wings of the same “Business Party.” But that characterization no longer obtained. The GOP, he argued, had ceased to be “a political party in the traditional sense,” but was now “a radical insurgency that has abandoned any interest in participation in parliamentary politics.”[iv] The Party itself gleefully announces it.

So let’s be clear. The Grand Old Party has no business presenting itself as any kind of reliable steward of the public trust, and its efforts to do so ought to be dismissed out of hand. I am not astounded that Republicans are brazen enough to say and do the things they are currently saying and doing: their shamelessness is well-established. But I am astounded that we are letting them get away with it.

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Resisting the Right: How to Survive the Gathering Storm is out now is available from OR Books, or at your local bookstore, or from the usual online retailers.


 

 

 

 

The Crisis for Democracy Takes a Very Weird Turn

Well, this is a fine mess we’ve gotten ourselves into.

For the past eight years, I’ve been among the tens of millions singularly focused on getting a neo-fascist would-be despot in a red ballcap out of the Oval Office and keeping him out. Donald Trump represents an unprecedented threat to American democracy—at this point, file that under “dog bites man.” Approaching the 2024 election, his third attempt to take power (he’s batting .500 so far), right wing voter suppression, electoral subversion, and political violence all seemed likely to be key factors that might vault him back into office and put an end to 240 years of participatory democracy in the United States. But while a white nationalist autocracy remains very much a threat, more than ever in fact, the likely means of its ascent suddenly looks radically different.                                                         

Show of hands: who thought Joe Biden’s stubbornness would be the thing that ultimately toppled American democracy by letting Trump back in office?

I fear that’s where we’re headed unless a dramatic change takes place tout suite.

STAND DOWN MARGARET JOE

Lots of informed, serious voices on the left have continued to call for Biden to face reality and do the right thing for the good of the republic. Prominent among them, George Clooney made news yesterday with an op-ed in the New York Times politely but firmly calling for Biden to step aside. (For that matter, the Times’s own editorial board had published a similarly scathing plea only two days before. )

Naturally, conservatives will sneer (“Shut up and act!)”; the only actors who they think are entitled to political opinions are Scott Baio and Kirk Cameron. Even some Democrats will bristle at such boldness, a new high watermark for Hollywood chutzpah, especially for a party that has long been scorned for its showbiz connections. But George’s essay was eloquent, respectful, and right on target. He is leveraging his fame and influence for good, and good on him. Best of all, as an insider who just appeared at a massive fundraising event for Biden only eleven days before the disastrous debate, he could attest firsthand to the President’s diminished acuity.

Hey, maybe Clooney can be president. I’d take him over any Republican you care to name. But he’s just an actor, you say! Hell, so is Trump….in fact, Trump’s not even an actor, he’s just a game show host.

Meanwhile, Republican strategists reportedly are planning for a Trump landslide, and they might not be wrong. (Even Sen. Michael Bennet, a Democrat from Colorado, has warned of it, on national television no less.) We always assumed this race would be razor close, like the last two, even though in any rational world Biden would be winning by 30 points. (This just in: we ain’t in no rational world.) Instead we may be looking not only at a loss, but a blowout for the neo-fascist party, as gobsmacking and shameful as that would be as an indictment of the American character for all the world to see.  

For several years now, while livid at the neo-fascists of the Republican Party, I’ve also been angry at my own feckless side for mounting an insufficiently robust campaign to defeat them. But now that anger at the left has passed into a new dimension, one of utter disgust, and weirdly, it is making me slightly less furious with the right. Sure, they’re monsters. But who can blame them for taking over the country when we’ve made it so easy for them to do so? If we’re gonna commit political malpractice by sticking with Biden, the GOP deserves to win.

Down on the South Jersey shore last weekend, the oats-feeling among the denizens of MAGA Nation was palpable. Houses that in the past have flown Trump flags but had taken them down over the past few years had them back up again. Big-ass Jeeps and pickup trucks with Blue Lives Matter and Punisher decals, cruising around flying giant American and Trump flags, were far more prevalent than they have been of late, not to mention a noticeable uptick in the number of assholes yelling insults at me because of the Biden sticker on my car. There were even giant Trump flags being flown by sunbathers on the beach. (So pleasant!)

These people are clearly emboldened, convinced now that they are going to win in November and preparing for the retribution that will follow. But I shouldn’t say “retribution,” because there is nothing they have been targeted for or victimized by that they should seek retribution for. They purely want to exercise their power over those they hate. And even though they are a minority, we seem like we are foolishly going to put them in a position to do it.

WILL ROGERS, ORGANIZATION EXPERT

As I noted last week, Joe Biden deserves Olympian credit for all he has done to save the country after the nightmare of the Trump years. But if he stubbornly insists on remaining the Democratic nominee—which is to say, if we let him do that—he will destroy his legacy. In that event, as a John the Baptist-like Mark Leibovich has been saying long before the debate, and long before this view became commonplace in the Democratic Party, Joe will be remembered only for the final act of his political career, not the massive good he did between 2016 and now.

But clearly Biden himself cannot see that.

To that point, Democratic leaders were said to be as alarmed by Biden’s laissez faire, business-as-usual reaction in response to the debate debacle as they were by the debate itself, a sign that he truly did not appreciate how bad that performance was. He certainly did not mount an all-hands-on-deck campaign of damage control, and the measures he did take, like the Stephanopoulos interview, didn’t come close to repairing the damage. What could? Even if he had knocked it out of the park it wouldn’t have been enough. And he didn’t. (It was more like a groundout to first.)

The exchange with George that particularly infuriated many was this one:

STEPHANOPOULOS: And if you stay in and Trump is elected and everything you’re warning about comes to pass, how will you feel in January?

BIDEN: I’ll feel as long as I gave it my all and I did the good as job as I know I can do, that’s what this is about.

No, that is NOT what this is all about.

But as my friend Aaron Naperstak says, as long as Joe gets his participation trophy…..

Far be it from me to question the political instincts of a man who was first elected to the US Senate while I was still in short pants, but Joe Biden is beginning to look like he’s suffering from Dunning-Kruger effect when it comes to his assessment of the state of the race. Many pundits have noted the irony that in his belief that he alone can beat Trump (a second time), he is skirting dangerously close to Trump’s own egomaniacal “I alone can fix it” mentality.

To quote another US president: I cannot tell a lie. I am losing patience with him and his ego.

Joe is beginning to remind me of Hindenburg, another enfeebled head of state who facilitated the rise of a dictatorial monster. (Volker Ullrich fans: I know it’s not a perfect analogy. Paul was cajoled—or strongarmed—into powersharing with a despot-in-waiting. Joe seems poised, out of sheer ego and obstinance, to allow one to seize power. But indulge me.)

One narrative is that Democratic “elites” are calling for Biden’s head over the will of “the people,” whom, we are told, don’t even remember the debate! (Debate? What debate?). But as Ezra Klein and Tim Miller recently discussed, the actual evidence shows just the opposite: it’s Democratic power brokers who—thus far, at least in public—are defending Biden against a groundswell of public sentiment that, we love ya, Joe, but ya gotta go.

Is it hard to retire and leave the spotlight at the end of an illustrious career? Sure. Ask Brett Favre, or Willie Mays. But it’s not up to the player, or shouldn’t be, especially when the stakes are this high. With all due respect to Joe and all he has done for this country, we cannot let him hold the party, the election, and the country hostage. If we do, per above, we’ll get what we deserve.

INFLECTION POINT AHEAD

Before the debate, I was firmly in the camp of “Don’t knock Biden, it only helps Trump.” But after the debate, that no longer obtains. I won’t fault SNL for mocking Joe when it returns in the fall, which used to enrage me. The damage is done, and we would do well to acknowledge it and fix the problem while we can. Saying out loud that he’s a dead man walking—politically speaking—is not going to hurt him any more than he’s already hurt himself, or than pretending he can win is going to make it happen.

That said:

The time is approaching when I will stop writing screeds on this topic. If Joe Biden does not soon step aside, or is forced aside, if he is the nominee of his party after the Democratic National Convention in (gulp) Chicago next month, there will no longer be any point in bemoaning his liabilities. At that point, such complaints will in fact only do harm. If Joe is the nominee, I will STFU and concentrate on making the case that, old and doddering or not, he still represents an infinitely infinitely infinitely better choice than a openly corrupt convicted felon, serial liar, adjudicated sex offender, racist, misogynist, seditionist whose party has openly published its plans to destroy the United States as we know it.

However, I will have a hard time making that case to my snickering conservative friends who for months (years, even) have been bathing in a vicious right wing campaign to portray Biden as old and senile. That’s a hard portrait to counter when Joe goes on national TV and seems to prove it.

In the past two weeks, the people of Britain have ejected the Tories after 14 years in power, the people of Iran defied the odds and elected a reformist (by Iranian standards) who favors a nuclear deal with the US (making him saner than any Republican), and the French left and center made a sensible deal to keep LePen and her Vichy Redux party out of power. Can we Americans prove ourselves as wise and as grownup as our foreign friends?

There is still time for us to change course and get a stronger candidate atop the ticket. Soon there will not be. The proof of the wisdom of that course of action is that the Republicans are terrified of it.

If the Democratic Party can’t get its act together sufficiently to deal with this situation and do the sensible thing for itself and the country in the midst of this epic existential crisis, my middling disgust with the Party—heretofore massively overwhelmed by my Everest-sized loathing for the fascist, Trumpified GOP—will turn to open contempt. And I won’t be alone. We’ve watched the Republican party destroy itself, morphing into a death cult of personality. If the Dems botch this, and if Trump wins and has a downballot coattail effect that carries into the House and Senate (in addition to the Supreme Court he already owns), and if he wields absolute power in a second term, come 2028 there may be no more Democratic Party left to pity and mourn.

Tick tock, and watch this space.

*********

Photo: Evan Vucci/AP

If You Ain’t Cheatin’

“If you ain’t cheating, you ain’t trying,” one of my old sergeants used to say, and he was only half-joking. Maybe a quarter.

That also appears to be the motto of Republican attorneys. From special counsels to Supreme Court justices, right wing jurists are making a mockery of the law, and worse than that, doing it under a dishonest cloak of alleged impartiality.

We need not even discuss the legal maneuvering of Trump’s revolving door of lawyers and the spurious motions they regularly deploy to try to delay his various trials in hopes he will soon be a dictator who can squash them permanently. That’s what he hired them to do, and we should expect nothing less from a shyster who would take that job.

No: I’m talking about officials in the justice system who are supposed to be honest brokers and patently are not. (It also works in medicine—see retired Rear Admiral—sorry, demoted to O-6—Dr. Ronny Jackson, the former Trump White House physician, now a Big Lie Republican Congressman representing Texas.)

I am not calling for an unreasonable standard of purity, or naively suggesting that bias can be eliminated from politics. Inevitably, ideological interest creeps into legal and judicial decisions all the time, even with otherwise reputable jurists. But what we’ve seen of late goes beyond gamesmanship and into wanton perversion of the law in the pursuit of raw power.

WITH A CAPITAL “T” AND THAT STANDS FOR “TRUMP”

This past week we saw once again how Donald J. Trump is the wildly undeserving beneficiary of the very system he openly wants to destroy when it was reported that, as the official candidate of one of the two major parties, he will begin receiving national security briefings from the US Intelligence Community.

Let’s pause to take that in. A man under felony indictment for stealing and hiding the most sensitive US government secrets is going to be given top secret/SCI national security briefings? At a time when he owes half a billion dollars that he doesn’t have? What could possibly go wrong?

As Rachel Maddow pointed out, an ordinary American seeking a security clearance who had those kind of financial liabilities—let alone that history of mishandling intel—wouldn’t stand a chance of getting one, let alone at that level. But evidently Donald Trump is not an ordinary American.

Such intel briefings have been customary since the Truman administration (as Harry didn’t want any other potential president to get caught flat-footed in case he learned he was supposed to, say, drop an atomic bomb). But we’ve never been faced with a candidate who was suspected by the FBI of being a Russian agent, under indictment for stealing classified information, and openly seeking cash to settle massive debts. Whether he sells intelligence to foreign despots (or private tycoons of any nationality) or is simply beholden to them in a second administration, it’s madness to facilitate it.

And do we know that he is susceptible to that kind of bribery? We sure do.

Trump recently did a 180 on his heretofore virulent attacks on Anheuser Busch—over the right wing’s freakout over Bud Light ad featuring trans spokesperson Dylan Mulvaney—on the very day the company announced it would host a $10,000 a plate fundraiser for him. He’s done a similar flip-flop on TikTok, even as a rare bipartisan consensus in Congress is moving toward banning it, because he is courting Jeff Yass, a billionaire whose fund has a $33 billion stake in its parent company, ByteDance. (That’s billion with a b, and that rhymes with c, and that stands for corruption. Or bribery—take your pick.)

And those are only the cases we know of, thus far. Even Steve Bannon is saying Trump has been bought.

As a different Dylan once said, money doesn’t talk—it swears.

So why is Trump going to get these briefings? The decision came down from the White House itself, and we can only speculate that Biden is trying to avoid lending credibility to his opponent’s spurious claim that he is being persecuted by the so-called deep state, if only by a break with precedent. But for eight years now, any such effort to sway MAGA Nation with acts of good faith or principle have consistently proven to be a fool’s errand.

The former military intelligence officer in me believes that the security risks of reading Trump onto any additional classified intel far outweigh any bad PR that would come with shutting him out. Apparently lots of high-ranking officials in the IC agree. Page one of the Secret Squirrel handbook: Don’t show your secrets to somebody who’s likely to sell them for bail money.

Let the Red Hatters bitch and moan, say I; they’re gonna do it regardless.

Which, in my roundabout way, brings me to the crux of this essay. The idea that we can impress Trump supporters with our good faith and backward-bending attempts to be fair and impartial is not only a doomed to fail, but actively self-destructive. It’s like watching an endless loop of Miller’s Crossing, as John Turturro as Bernie Bernbaum screws over Gabriel Byrne’s Tom Reagan after he spared his life. At every turn right wingers have gladly accepted such efforts by Democrats, then weaponized them for their own ends, with nary a scintilla of concern about “principle,” or the optics of how that looks.

Exhibit A, also from just this past week: special counsel Robert Hur, who had been appointed to investigate the Biden documents case.

HUR PEOPLE HURT PEOPLE

As soon as he delivered his written report last month, it was clear that Hur, a lifelong Republican who had been appointed as a US Attorney by Trump, went beyond his remit with an unsolicited, inappropriate, and unprofessional characterization of President Biden’s mental fitness that he— a lawyer, not a physician—was unqualified to make. (Maybe he consulted Ronny Jackson.)

Of course, that didn’t stop the MSM from running that story night and day, hammering the preferred Republican narrative into the public mind exactly as the GOP intended, and as Hur surely knew it would.

It’s impossible to believe that that was an accident and not a deliberate partisan strategy.

California Congressman (and soon-to-be Senator) Adam Schiff excoriated Hur on that point on live TV, as the WaPo reported:

“You were not born yesterday, you understood exactly what you were doing,” Schiff said. “You cannot tell me you’re so naive to think your words would not have created a political firestorm.”

Incensed, Hur fired back, “What I understood is the regulations,” referring to the part of Justice Department policy that says special counsel reports should be confidential to the attorney general. But the last two such reports were released publicly, and Attorney General Merrick Garland had made clear beforehand that he would do his best to release as much of Hur’s report as possible.

Schiff met that answer with disbelief and scorn.

“You must have understood the impact of your words,” the congressman said, accusing the prosecutor of injecting “your own personal, prejudicial, subjective opinion of the president, one you knew would be amplified by his political opponent. You had to understand that, and you did it anyway.”

“Congressman, what you are suggesting is that I shape, sanitize, omit portions of my reasoning …”

Schiff was having none of it.

“You made a choice. That was a political choice; it was the wrong choice,” he said.

What was most annoying was Hur’s smug, performative claim that he was merely a nonpartisan public servant following the rules. He is anything but. As Adam Serwer wrote with characteristic elegance in The Atlantic:

During his testimony before the House, Hur insisted that “partisan politics had no place whatsoever in my work.” He tried to have it both ways, insisting that his report was accurate while refuting the most uncharitable right-wing characterizations of Biden’s memory. But as legal experts pointed out after the report was released, Hur’s description of Biden’s memory was not a necessary element of his duties, and it is unlikely that someone with as much experience in Washington as Hur would be so naive as to not understand how those phrases would be used politically.

Tellingly, Hur resigned from the DOJ just before his testimony so he would not be bound by its code of ethics. Reportedly he was also prepped by Trump advisors, who surely told him to emphasize the notion that he did not “exonerate” Biden, by the strict legal definition, only recommended against prosecution.

But Hur’s behavior gets even worse. Now that we have the transcript of his interview with the President, we know that even that “Biden is senile” assessment was not only gratuitous, but wildly inconsistent with the very facts in his own report, which show Joe to be quite sharp. (Even some of Hur’s specific examples—the timing of Beau’s death, for example—are flat-out wrong.)

In the Washington Post veteran legal analyst Ruth Marcus writes that Hur “mischaracterized and overstated Biden’s alleged memory lapses” and “consistently adopted an interpretation that is as uncharitable and damaging to Biden as possible.”

Gratuitous is bad enough. This was gratuitous and misleading.

Hur is entitled to his own interpretation, and it’s relevant, as he explained on Tuesday, to his assessment of how a jury would assess Biden’s conduct. Hur said he needed to “show his work” in explaining his decision not to pursue charges. But the special counsel well understood that his report to Attorney General Merrick Garland would be made public—and he understood, or should have, the political fallout that would result from his scorching assessment of Biden.

So, he had a dual responsibility here, and he failed twice. First, he went beyond, far beyond, what was necessary to outline his concerns about Biden’s memory, and how that would impact any case against him. Second, as we just learned, his recitation of the facts was one-sided.

“Necessary and accurate and fair,” Hur said. I’d say he was zero for three.

The MSM is going to report that just as eagerly and breathlessly as it spread Hur’s lies in the first place, right?

Don’t hold your breath.

A subsequent correction lacks the same power—and is usually buried deep inside the metaphorical paper, near the classified ads and local Little League results. Serwer:

First impressions stick. After a big story hits, the initial conclusions can turn out to be wrong, or partly wrong, but the revisions are not what people remember. They remember the headlines in imposing font, the solemn tone from a presenter, the avalanche of ironic summaries on social media. Political operatives know this, and it’s that indelible impression they want, one that sticks like a greasy fingerprint and that no number of follow-ups or awkward corrections could possibly wipe away.

APPEASEMENT FAILS AGAIN

But in addition to detailing Hur’s dishonesty, Serwer also explained the Democrats’ own goal of trying to appear non-partisan, which Republicans are happy to exploit over and over again: “Hur’s report is itself something of a self-inflicted wound for Democrats, a predictable result of their efforts to rebut bad-faith criticism from partisan actors by going out of their way to seem nonpartisan.”

Serwer explains the appeal of the “Biden is senile” story for the press on these exact grounds, as it seemed like “the sort of superficially nonideological criticism that some reporters feel comfortable repeating in their own words, believing that it illustrates their lack of partisanship to conservative sources and audiences. Coverage of the Hillary Clinton email investigation reached saturation levels in 2016 for similar reasons.”

We all know how that turned out.

Indeed, Hur’s abuse of his report to deliver a partisan attack was a reprise of Jim Comey’s unsolicited dig at Hillary when, as FBI director, he declined to seek charges against her in July 2016. It was also an escalation, as Hur is a far more partisan actor than Comey. But the comparison is instructive. Comey has since stated that his subsequent decision to announce the re-opening of that investigation in late October of that year, on the very eve of the election—breaking with standard FBI procedure not to comment on such matters—was driven in part by fears of what the right would say if he did not announce it, and Clinton won, and news later got out.

One can hardly think of a more disastrous miscalculation in modern American politics, and that includes Mike Dukakis’s decision to drive a tank.

Serwer again:

For reasons that remain unclear to me, Democrats seem to have internalized the Republican insistence that only Republicans are capable of the fairness and objectivity necessary to investigate or enforce the law. Any lifelong Republican who fails to put partisanship above their duties is instantly and retroactively turned into a left-wing operative by the conservative media. Acting to prevent complaints of bias (as opposed to actually being fair) is ultimately futile: Comey’s last-minute gift to the Trump campaign didn’t prevent Trump from smearing him as a liberal stooge.

The right wing knows it can goad Democrats—and journalists—into giving them what they want by means of this relentless cry of left-wing bias.

I’ve written before about Eric Alterman’s critique of the GOP “working the refs.” (He speaks about that at length in an interview for my forthcoming book Resisting the Right.) Serwer cites that concept explicitly:

These efforts to work the refs pay off. Right-wing criticism of Obama probably influenced him to pick a grandstanding Republican to head the FBI, an agency that has never been run by a Democrat, just as it likely influenced Garland to pick a grandstanding Republican to investigate Biden.

Conservative criticism of the mainstream press leads too many journalists to attempt to prove they aren’t liberals, which results in wholesale amplification of right-wing propaganda to deflect criticisms that the media aren’t objective; the facts become a secondary concern.

ALAS, POOR MERRICK

But even with Hur’s unprofessional behavior, and the media’s willingness to abet it, it didn’t have to play out this way, except that—as Serwer alludes—Merrick Garland is the poster boy for the Democrats’ appeasement impulse.

The Attorney General was under no obligation to appoint a special counsel to look into the Biden documents case at all, as the differences with the Trump case were so great that he could reasonably have demurred. But he did, in order to look “objective” and defer criticism. Even then, he did not have to choose a right wing hack like Hur for the gig—again presumably in the interest of looking scrupulously fair.

After seeing Hur’s final report, Garland could have redacted portions of it. He had promised to release as much as he could, which offered enough subjectivity to put the blatantly partisan portions out of that category. Would that have looked bad, especially if the redacted portions later leaked out? Yes, but—contra Comey—it might have been the lesser of two evils.….and, as we have discussed, by then the narrative would be set and the revelation would be drained of much of its power.

That is absolutely the GOP playbook in these cases.

Do you imagine for a moment that a Republican AG like Bill Barr wouldn’t have done so? No need to imagine, because Barr not only did that, but he did something much more extreme in holding the Mueller report for three weeks while issuing his own blatantly partisan and misleading four-page “summary,” in order to set the story in advance. Which worked brilliantly, with Trump claiming “total exoneration,” and the press blaring that assertionas gospel. Serwer: “Only later did the public learn that Mueller’s report had found ‘no criminal conspiracy but considerable links between Donald Trump’s campaign and Russia, and strongly suggested that Trump had obstructed justice’.”

Garland could have similarly held Hur’s report and first issued his own summary…..and unlike Barr/Mueller, he would have been justified in so doing, since Hur was engaging in wildly inappropriate editorializing while Mueller was scrupulously adhering to the rules. To a fault, some would say—the purity impulse in action again.

Maybe Merrick doesn’t think it’s his job to control the narrative. But it is his job not to let the people he appoints abuse and distort the process for partisan purposes. Very much his fucking job.

NEVILLE NEVILLE, YOU’VE TORN YOUR DRESS

But at least some Democrats have finally figured out how to jiu-jitsu the GOP’s tactics.

Obviously, House Republicans called Hur to testify because they wanted to highlight his uncalled-for assessment of Biden’s mental acuity. But it was clear to me from the start—and not because I’m Nostradamus—that the hearing might backfire on the GOP, thanks to the kind of admirable combativeness and muscularity that Adam Schiff and others demonstrated and that we need, in contrast to the Marquess of Queensbury thinking that this essay bemoans.

For example, in pressing on why the DOJ is charging Trump and not Biden over the retention of classified documents, Hur wound up explaining on national TV why what Trump did was so much worse. Another California Democrat, Ted Lieu, made that case very well by reciting a litany of Trump’s illegal behavior re the classified documents in his possession—hiding them, defying subpoenas to return them, ordering staff to move them when federal investigators were coming, and to lie about it—and forcing Hur to admit that Biden did none of those things.

Yet another California Democrat (what’s in the water out there?), Eric Swalwell, attempted to get Hur to pledge not to accept a federal judgeship from Trump should he win again. Yeah, that was some grandstanding, but who could resist? It certainly highlighted the self-serving motives behind Hur’s actions, both political and potentially personal. And Hur’s refusal to answer and lame attempt to pivot back to “what I came here to discuss” didn’t look great.

Democratic grandstanding or no, in a (gulp) second Trump administration, don’t be surprised to see Hur in black robes.

As Heather Cox Richardson wrote, the Democrats on the Judiciary Committee also showed “videos of Trump slurring his words, forgetting names, and speaking in word salad, getting their own sound bites to voters.”

And it was effective. On Twitter (don’t call it “Eks”) George Conway predicted that the one-two punch of Biden’s State of the Union address and Hur’s “immolation” a few days later would go down in political history like Reagan’s disarming “I am not going to exploit my opponent’s youth and inexperience’ moment,” from a 1984 presidential debate at a time when he was the one being attacked for his age. As HCR writes, “Mondale later said he knew Reagan’s answer was the moment he had lost not only the debate but probably the election.”

Maybe the left is finally figuring out the Neville Chamberlain is not a great role model.

So let’s stop trying to appease the right, and engaging in torturous contortions to try to show MAGA Nation how fair and decent we are, when all they ever do is exploit our goodwill and use it against us, and against democracy. Yes, we should play by the rules. But there’s playing by the rules, and then there’s doing self-harm when facing an opponent who gleefully twists and distorts and undermines those rules….all the while pretending that they too and fair and impartial and good faith players.

But guess what Republicans? You can’t piss on our heads and tell us it’s rain.

Another old NCO maxim? No—Hester Street. Better in the original Yiddish.

********

Photo:  Republican special counsel Robert Hur, with his message for America.

Credit: Associated Press

h/t to Beth Westrate for “what could possibly go wrong?”

We Get the Government We Deserve

Last week I wrote about the ways in which the archconservative supermajority on the Supreme Court, in agreeing to hear Trump’s ludicrous immunity claim, is abetting his open desire to install a right wing dictatorship in the US. (Though only, he says, for Day One. His words, not mine.)

That effort carried on the very next day, when the Court handed down a second decision keeping Trump on the ballot in Colorado and elsewhere.

But it would be an enormous mistake to believe that SCOTUS, or any governmental institution, is the only problem. It would be a mistake even to say that the problem lies with Trump and the other cretinous architects of that neo-fascist endeavor themselves. A far more worrying problem is the extent to which many many many ordinary Americans fail to appreciate the danger, and—gobsmackingly—seem to think that Donald Trump and his fellow travelers are reasonable, trustworthy politicians who deserve their vote.

Be they deluded Kool Aid-drunk true believers, apathetic low-information voters who aren’t really paying attention, or just wildly misinformed folks who can still be won over, these citizens represent a terrifying demographic on whom the latest Most Important Election of Our Lifetimes may turn, and on whom the forces of fascism are counting. 

DO THEY CALL ME GIUSEPPE THE BOAT BUILDER?

I’ve made this point before—ad nauseam, some might say. Only a month ago, I made almost the identical argument in a piece called “Who Needs Voter Suppression?” that carried an illustration of lemmings. This week it’s sheep. Hey, do you think it’s easy to crank out 5000 words a week without some recycling?

But I continue to repeat myself because the problem remains.

We all know that the polls are—bizarrely—grim for Joe Biden. In a sane world, he would be cruising to re-election on the strength of a record that most incumbents would give their eye teeth for….particularly since his opponent is facing 91 criminal indictments, including trying to overthrow a free and fair election (and murder his own vice president along the way, though he’s not even charged for that). Yet a slim majority of Americans—at least for now—seem to think Donald Trump would be a better choice for the job.

[Pause to collect pieces of skull and brain tissue scattered across the room.]

Here’s Nate Cohn in the New York Times:

On paper, Biden ought to be the favorite…..Yet according to the polls, Trump begins the general election campaign in the lead. Over the last four months, he has led nearly every poll in Michigan, Nevada, Arizona and Georgia, along with the states he carried in 2020 — enough to give him 283 electoral votes and the presidency. This is not what many expected from a Biden-Trump rematch, especially after Democrats were resilient in the midterms and excelled in special elections by campaigning on issues like democracy and abortion.

Last week the New York Times ran a front page headline that read, “Voters Doubt Biden’s Leadership and Favor Trump, Times/Siena Poll Finds.” That sentence alone is headspinning, but let’s explore it a little further.

With eight months left until the November election, Mr. Biden’s 43 percent support lags behind Mr. Trump’s 48 percent in the national survey of registered voters. Only one in four voters thinks the country is moving in the right direction. More than twice as many voters believe Mr. Biden’s policies have personally hurt them as believe his policies have helped them. A majority of voters think the economy is in poor condition.

A full 40 percent of voters said Mr. Trump’s policies had helped them personally, compared to only 18 percent who said the same of Mr. Biden’s. Only 12 percent of independent voters….said Mr. Biden’s policies had personally helped them, compared to 43 percent who said his policies had hurt them.

Was this poll taken at a Klan rally? Or in the banquet room at Mar-a-Lago? Or maybe in the Kremlin?

We know that these beliefs fly in the face of empirical reality. But facts don’t matter any more, do they? And it’s no coincidence that the people who promote that post-modernist view—the right wing—do so because the facts don’t favor them. Cui bono, people.

And the bitter, Orwellian injustice of it all gets even worse:

(O)ver and over, the Times/Siena poll revealed how Mr. Trump has cut into more traditional Democratic constituencies while holding his ground among Republican groups. The gender gap, for instance, is no longer benefiting Democrats. Women, who strongly favored Mr. Biden four years ago, are now equally split, while men gave Mr. Trump a nine-point edge. The poll showed Mr. Trump edging out Mr. Biden among Latinos, and Mr. Biden’s share of the Black vote is shrinking, too.

It beggars belief that, after Dobbs, Trump is winning a majority of American women. Latinx support for Trump is also hard to fathom, even accounting for the oft-forgotten strain of Catholic conservatism in that community. Significant numbers of Latinx voters are going over to the guy who made demonization of immigrants, especially brown ones, the whole backbone of his campaign? The one who told us that Mexicans are rapists and criminals, and wanted to wall off the southern border? The one who kidnapped and caged thousands of Latinx children? The one that wants to kick down doors in search of “illegals”—again, predominantly Hispanic people—and build concentration camps to put them in?

Of course, “Hispanics’ are not a monolith. There’s a world of difference between, say, a recent Guatemalan refuge and a rabidly anti-Castro Cuban-American born and raised in Miami. But the latter have long been in the Republican camp. What accounts for the new converts?

I dunno, but I’m reminded of that overplayed Don McLean song where Satan was laughing with delight.

Some of these results may reflect what the researcher David Atkins calls “thermostatics,” which is a fancy way of saying that, while incumbency has its advantages, there is also a hope-springs-eternal/grass-is-always-greener effect that makes voters want to “throw the bums out,” no matter who’s in power. (Triple points for me on the Cliché-o-Meter.) Not to mention a willful, collective amnesia over just how horrible the Trump years were.

In any case, if you ever get the feeling that you’re living in Idiocracy, you’re not alone. Stand by for eight Oscars for Ass.

BACKSTABBERS

Who, in the wake of January 6, thought that a mere three years later we would be on the verge of returning Donald Trump to power? Yes, the GOP and the levers it controls have been instrumental in that American Dolchstoßlegende. But like the grifters say, you can’t con a man who doesn’t want to be conned. And plenty of Americans have been happy to let themselves be suckered.

But let’s back up a little. I say “verge of returning” Trump to power, but that is an overstatement, of course.

A few days ago, this Biden-is-doomed narrative looked like it was calcifying into received wisdom. Then Joe gave a ferocious State of the Union speech that chipped away at the “old and senile” narrative and suddenly convinced a lot of people that he’s not dead yet.  (Not that his haters will be swayed. Ross Douthat wasn’t. But Ross’s judgment has been known to be iffy.) It was a reminder that Joe’s been in politics a long time, and he’s pretty good at it—something his enemies somehow consistently forget, over and over.

Afterward, a lot of pundits who’d been defeatist a mere 24 hours before suddenly saw a world in which Trump looked very mortal indeed. In The Bulwark, Jonathan V. Last’s headline was “Biden Can. Win.” In The Atlantic, Pulitzer Prize winner Jennifer Senior’s was “Biden Silences the Doubters.”

We shall see. American politics swing back and forth harder than Tom Brady’s retirement plans.

Meanwhile, it’s weird to wake up and think that Tommy Tuberville doesn’t seem like the crazier of Alabama’s two US Senators anymore. The GOP ought to be disqualified just for thinking Senator Chloe Fineman—er, I mean Katie Britt—was the best available spokesperson to give their SOTU response. Yes, I know it’s a thankless, no-win assignment (ask Marco Rubio or Bobby Jindal), but this one was awful even by those low standards. The high school drama club tone, the “American carnage” theme, the dogwhistling choice of a woman speaking from her kitchen—it was truly beyond parody. The historian Heather Cox Richardson noted that Britt “conspicuously wore a necklace with a cross and spoke in a breathy, childlike voice as she wavered between smiles and the suggestion she was on the verge of tears.” The content of her speech was all but unworthy of attention, but one lowlight was her attempt at a variation on the old Reagan line, “Are you better off than you were three years ago?”

Uh, you mean during the pandemic? Actually, um, yes. Yes, I am better off.

As Andy Borowitz quipped, Britt characterized “Biden as out of touch for not knowing the price of gas or groceries. Her nominee only knows how much it costs to silence a porn star.” But far and away the most important thing to note was her howling, outright lie about GOP support for in vitro fertilization when she and her party explicitly support fetal personhood, which would explicitly outlaw IVF, led by the nutjob Christian radical Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of her own home state of Alabama.

“Republican Politician Tells Brazen Lie”—stop the presses.

Katie Britt is said to be a formidable—and therefore scary—right wing politician. Despite this humiliating debut on the national stage, in which she was badly served by her handlers, we may not have seen the last of her.

FOLLY TO BE WISE, GUYS

The alarm over Biden’s prospects is not entirely a bad thing. It can be helpful as a wakeup call, a boon to voter registration and GOTV efforts, and a bulwark against complacency and overconfidence. (Little chance of the latter, strong chance of the former.) It also points to a way to move the proverbial needle, and a great opportunity for the Democratic Party and their man.

As the Times’s Cohn writes, “There might be a kernel of good news for Biden hidden in his extreme weakness among less engaged voters: His campaign can hope they are simply not paying close attention, and might return to Biden’s side once voters tune into the race.”

As we noted last week, criminal conviction(s) are the one thing that even Republicans say would dent their support for Trump. The aforementioned NYT/Siena poll, the one that causes a collective pants-shitting in Blue America, showed that there has been a slight dip in the number of voters who “currently believe Mr. Trump has committed serious federal crimes,” down from 58 percent in December to 53 percent now. One has to believe that that downward trend—the result of relentless right wing propagandizing—will reverse as criminal trials commence and hard evidence against him is presented. Which is precisely why the GOP, including its loyalists on the Supreme Court, is working overtime to delay those trials.

But Trump has other vulnerabilities with voters that, similarly, have not yet been highlighted to them.

Remarkably, polling shows that most Americans—incredibly—are unaware of Trump’s fanatic, fascist comments about what he’d do in a second term, and his desire to “terminate” portions of the Constitution and turn the US into a dictatorship. When made aware, their view of him (and willingness to vote for him) drops significantly.

That lack of awareness is astonishing to me, but the possibility here for Democratic strategists is obvious. As Greg Sargent, formerly of the WaPo and now at The New Republic, writes:

That’s maddening for obvious reasons. But it also presents the Biden campaign with an opportunity. If voters are unaware of all these statements, there’s plenty of time to make voters aware of them—and the polling also finds that these statements, when aired to respondents, shift them against Trump.

A survey by the veteran Democratic pollster Geoff Garin for the group Save My Country polled  voters in three swing states—Arizona, Michigan, and Pennsylvania—and weighted the results according to votes in the Electoral College.

The poll asked them about 10 of Trump’s most authoritarian statements, including: the two mentioned above, Trump’s claim that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country,” his vow to pardon rioters who attacked the Capitol, his promise to prosecute the Biden family without cause, his threat to inflict mass persecution on the “vermin” opposition, and a few more.

Result? “Only 31 percent of respondents said they previously had heard a lot about these statements by Trump,” the memo accompanying the poll concluded. 

The good news for Biden is that when respondents were presented with these quotes, it prompted a rise in Trump’s negatives. For instance, after hearing them, the percentage who see him as “out for revenge” jumped by five points, the percentage who see him as “dangerous” rose by nine points, and the percentage who see him as a “dictator” climbed by seven points.

Garin also found that when presented with these remarks, “the percentage of those who view Trump unfavorably jumps five points, from 53 percent to 58 percent, and 69 percent say Trump will bring “chaos to the presidency and our country.”

In other words, when voters are presented with evidence straight from Trump’s own mouth, they see an authoritarian second term as very plausible.

Sargent notes that one interpretation of these results is that Team Biden hasn’t successfully made the case for Trump’s unfitness—yet. Maybe they’re keeping their powder dry for the summer and fall. According to this logic, when voters are adequately presented with the truth, particularly about the two central issues in this race—democracy and abortion—where the vast majority of Americans are soundly aligned with the Democratic position and hostile to the Republican one, Biden will win.

More importantly, Sargent notes that these results seem to obliterate the idea that voters just don’t care.

“In fact, all this might in some ways validate one of the Biden camp’s frequent claims—that voters are so checked out that they aren’t seriously aware of the threat a second Trump term poses.” Yes, hardcore Trumpies will never turn on their guy….but that’s not who we’re talking about. We’re talking about the slim but crucial sliver in the squishy middle who will decide the election—a segment Sargent describes as “gettable” for Biden.

“Trump’s negatives are not baked into the cake at all,” Garin told me. Fortunately for the Biden camp, between now and Election Day there are some eight months to fire up the campaign crucible and ensure that they do get baked in—good and hard.

Cohn writes that Biden can “hope that Trump will loom larger in the minds of voters as the election nears.” Beyond mere hope, that is exactly what Democratic messengers intend to promote.

In the end, Biden might well prevail by capitalizing on issues like abortion and democracy. Historically, early polls are not especially predictive of a final outcome. Many voters aren’t yet paying close attention, and there will be every opportunity for the Biden campaign to refocus the electorate on more favorable issues once the general election campaign gets underway.

FILE UNDER DUNNING-KRUEGER

There’s lack of awareness, and then there’s wanton, day-is-night, ass backwardness.

While the punditocracy is obsessed with beating up on Joe Biden—and not just the right but the center and left too—marveling that he is not more popular given his many significant accomplishments and the flaws of his opponent, consider the vast tsunami of political ignorance that engulfs America, and with which he must contend.

The Times’s Cohn related the tale of his colleague Claire Cain Miller who “interviewed a voter who said abortion was the most important issue, but blamed Biden for the loss of abortion rights in America.”

Yes, the Biden campaign may bear some blame for not doing a better job of getting the facts out there, and maybe it will do so in the next eight months. But when we are up against that kind of stupidity, one wonders if our country will soon get the kind of vile, reality-denying autocratic government it deserves. Is it just anecdotal? Yeah, but add up enough anecdotes and you get a statistically significant (or even definitive) critical mass.

Per above, Biden’s inner circle is said to be confident that they can win over that sliver of misinformed and/or insufficiently attentive voters. They’re the pros, so I hope they’re right. 

But if part of the blame for this public ignorance of Trump’s statements and misdeeds falls on Team Biden and the DNC for failing to make their case, a lot of it falls on the press. When it comes to the relative flaws of Joe vs. Don, it’s “but her emails” all over again.

While the media obsesses over Biden’s electoral prospects—a process that only further diminishes them—what is Trump up to, besides trying to get Elon Musk or some Middle Eastern potentate or (presumably) Vladimir Putin to give him half billion dollars so he can post bail in his various trials? (Good thing a guy in the red like that isn’t in possession of sensitive US government secrets!)

Whatever it is, the media isn’t covering it in any kind of remotely responsible way. Here’s the esteemed Dan Rather:

Over the weekend, the former president said that he would eliminate federal funding for any school with a vaccine mandate. That includes vaccines against chickenpox, polio, and measles. The audience shouted its approval of this dangerous, if not outright terrifying, promise. Can you imagine the consequences of that? The children who would die? Where’s the coverage and the outrage?

Then Trump confused two Democratic presidents—not for the first time—saying, “Putin has so little respect for Obama ….” Imagine the airtime that remark would get if it came from President Biden?

Rather’s conclusion is that “an informed and determined electorate can stop (Trump) at the ballot box.” No doubt about that. But that requires someone to inform them in the first place.

Greg Sargent again:

President Biden’s brain trust appears confident that he will ultimately prevail over Donald Trump due to the threat Trump poses to our constitutional system. By November, the election’s “focus will become overwhelmingly on democracy,” one top Biden adviser told The New Yorker, adding that “the biggest images in people’s minds are going to be of January 6th.”

Some of Biden’s fate lies with turnout, particularly when it comes to “the less engaged, less educated segment of the electorate, including many young, Black and Hispanic voters who traditionally vote for Democratic candidates.” As Cohn notes, in 2020 he defeated Trump in the “pivotal battleground states” only by narrow margins—less than a percentage point. And now “his favorability rating is 14 points lower.”

If some of Biden’s strengths in 2020 have eroded, some of Trump’s vulnerabilities have widened. Per Cohn, Trump is “viewed about as unfavorably as he was four years ago. In fact, his ratings numbers are almost exactly where they stood before the last election” and “a majority of voters say they believe Trump has committed serious federal crimes.” In an election with razor thin margins, that could make the difference for either man.

But writing about the current presidential race in old-fashioned horserace terms is exactly what I don’t want to be doing. We are in an existential crisis for American democracy, with the candidate of one of our two major parties openly campaigning on a promise to institute cult-of-personality-style fascism. Talking about the color of ties and kissing babies at state fairs is not appropriate. It’s a habit the press finds hard to break, so it will fall to partisans outside the Fourth Estate to make that case.

FLIRTING WITH DISASTER

In the Times, Cohn writes: “Trump’s persistent unpopularity sets up an agonizing choice for millions of voters who liked and backed Biden in the last election but now find themselves left to choose between two candidates they dislike; a group sometimes known as ‘double haters’.”

Wow. Are there really people trying to decide who’s worse, Trump or Biden? No matter what you think of Joe Biden, the idea that anyone thinks Trump is a better choice to lead this country is unfathomable to me.

One of Biden’s favorite lines is, “Don’t compare me to the Almighty—compare me to the alternative.” (#DadJoke #GranddadJoke.) That contrast has never been more stark than in the 2024 presidential race. But Americans are also justifiably tired of a choice between the lesser of two evils, even if one “evil” is MASSIVELY more evil than the other evil, which can hardly be described as evil at all.

Let me be clear: I don’t believe there is any legitimate reason to vote for Donald Trump, any more than I believe there’s any legitimate reason to take the side of Vladimir Putin, or Francisco Franco, or that fella from Austria. Not saying he’s in their league, but how bad do you have to be? Trump has far exceeded the minimum standard of unfitness for public office and designation as a menace to society.

I have dear friends who are Trump supporters. (And possibly family? Not sure.) I love them. But I believe they are dead wrong on that count, and history will judge it so.

We are far from the only country to flirt so openly with fascism. Some have not only flirted but gone all the way to consummation, and smoking cigarettes together afterward while avoiding the wet spot. There has always been a proto-authoritarian strain in the American soul, though rarely has it been as ascendant as at the moment. But if it triumphs here, it will be due not only to the Proud Boys and the Josh Hawleys and the Tucker Carlsons, but to the shoulder-shrugging tens of millions who didn’t storm the Capitol, but quietly went along and didn’t stand up to stop the march of American authoritarianism either.

Democrats will run on abortion and democracy, and if that’s not enough to win I don’t know what’s wrong with our country. Maybe it will be. Or maybe the GOP will sucker enough of the American people once again, with the help of the maddening apathy of otherwise progressive-leaning young people, a far left that is living up to its reputation for devouring its own, and the furor of Arab-Americans in Michigan who think Biden is abetting genocide and therefore prefer to throw the race to an opponent who would cause infinitely more harm to the people of Palestine, and won’t stop there.

But if we return Donald Trump to power—for any reason, and as the result of any weird combination of factors, we will get what we deserve.

*******

Photo: Portrait of American voters in their natural habitat

h/t Genie Smith for the Dan Rather article

Thanks to Gina Patacca for her pro bono copy editing!

If you’d like to help support the King’s Necktie, you can make a donation via PayPal by clicking here. Thank you!

Who Needs Voter Suppression?

“Pure democracies are not the way to run a country,” former Senator Rick Santorum (R-Penna.) told Newsmax last November after voters in his home state and elsewhere protected abortion rights via ballot measures that made the rulers of a would-be Gilead hoppin’ ass mad.

File under: Saying the Quiet Part Out Loud.

But for once, the vile Mr. Santorum—last seen in a hissy fit after LGBTQ+ activist Dan Savage co-opted his surname for biological purposes—isn’t entirely wrong. When we leave governance to the will of the people, we open ourselves up to some bad decisions as well as good ones.

Case in point:

There have been polls of late showing Biden and Trump in a dead heat, and some showing Trump actually winning. One in particular—a credible one from NBC, just this week—is especially worrying, as it has Trump widening his lead slightly since the last NBC poll, taken in November.

Needless to say, it is absolute insanity that the American people would seriously consider putting this human shitstain on the underwear of mankind back in power. (Speaking of santorum.) But here we are.

And these polls are not a matter of the archaic and anti-democratic Electoral College either: they show Trump winning the popular vote in a head-to-head rematch. To be fair, there are also polls—like a recent one by Quinnipiac—showing Biden in the lead. But that it’s close at all is mind-boggling.

Of course, the polls can be wrong. Famously, they were dead wrong in 2016, but not in sanity’s favor. And to hang our hopes on that slim thread would be foolhardy to say the least.

Some of Trump’s support can be attributed to the calcification of American politics along tribal lines, not to mention a right wing propaganda machine that would make a certain Herr Goebbels doff his cap. But you can’t con a man who doesn’t want to be conned. The fact of the matter is that a disturbing percentage of our fellow Americans are cool with Trump’s return to power.

Much has been written, here and elsewhere, about the Republican effort to suppress the Democratic vote, and to seize control of the electoral process to ensure that the GOP wins even when it loses. But none of that really matters when sufficient numbers of our fellow Americans are perfectly happy to put Donald J. Trump back in office, the cost to democracy, to the United States’ standing in the world, to human lives, and to AAWOKI be damned.*

(*America As We Once Knew It.)

Who needs voter suppression when you can get people to vote for a tyrant of their own free will?

DEFYING GRAVITY

So WTF is wrong with America that we’re at this pretty pass?

The great Tom Nichols, who is both a columnist for The Atlantic and a professor emeritus at the US Naval War College, addressed this question just this week, in a piece called “The Weirdest Presidential Election in History.” It might as easily have been titled “The Scariest.”

Nichols wrote of “an unserious nation” facing “dire choices,” and marveled at “a reversal of the laws of political gravity, mostly because so many American voters are now ruled by vibes and feelings rather than facts.”

By any standard, Biden’s first term is perhaps as consequential and successful as Ronald Reagan’s first four years. With achievements including holding together a NATO coalition in the face of genocidal Russian aggression and an economic soft landing almost no one thought possible, Biden should be running far ahead of any Republican challenger—and light years beyond Trump.

But he ain’t.

The economy is booming, yet Americans stubbornly continue to believe it’s terrible, and that Trump would handle it better, even though when he was in charge he basically gave the store away to the rich on the backs of working and middle class people.

The economy, Nichols writes, “continues to torment (Americans) with its low inflation, low unemployment, declining mortgage rates, and high growth”—what the Bulwark’s Jonathan V. Last  calls a “mass economic delusion,” that seems beyond the powers of Democratic messengers to correct. Nichols adds that he also suspects “many Americans have not yet internalized the dangers of a second Trump term.” What worries me is that they never will.

It’s true that there is often a lag before good economic news translates into voter approval for a sitting president, and that may yet happen. But something more is in play here. Biden is not getting the benefit of the accomplishments of a normal POTUS because America has become so irrationally hyperpartisan and tribal—and so bludgeoned night and day and day and night by the right wing propaganda machine—that it overwhelms reality. Forget alternative facts—half of America is living in a permanent alternative reality, or what we not so affectionately know as Earth 2.

Trump has openly declared that he wants the economy to crash in order to help his fortunes. (Hey GOP voters: that really sounds like a guy who has your best interests at heart, right?) But he may not need that, because the truth doesn’t matter anymore.

And Joe has other problems too. Nichols:

(A) lot of Democrats, especially younger people, have turned on Biden because of the war in Gaza, This “President Superman” problem afflicts both parties, but if angry Arab and Muslim Americans put Michigan in play—another challenge for the fractious prodemocracy coalition the Democrats hope to create—then Biden’s loss to an anti-Muslim bigot would be among the greatest face-spiting nose removals in political history.

The Republicans, however, have completely departed Earth’s orbit and are now plunging headlong into the destructive black hole of Trump’s personal needs. In the past week, the GOP has moved along toward a Trump coronation, and they have been trying to help Trump’s later general-election chances by hamstringing solutions to the border crisis and holding up important foreign-aid packages—all while the military situation in Ukraine worsens and US and allied forces carry out strikes in Yemen.

House Republicans were even willing to tank an immigration bill that had been agreed upon by both parties and gave them just about all the hardline, heartless xenophobic BS they wanted, just because Trump told them to.

So after years of complaining that Democrats wouldn’t do anything about what Republicans claimed was an existential crisis at the southern border, the GOP itself prevented Congress from doing anything about it, just because they hope it will help Donald win back the White House. Wow.

Nichols again:

The House GOP’s obstruction, however, is beyond partisanship. Republicans are threatening to harm the country and endanger our allies merely to help Trump’s reelection chances, obeying a man under multiple indictments and whose track record as a party leader has been one of unbroken losses and humiliation.

Trump, of course, cares nothing for national policy. He has also clearly abandoned any pretenses about democracy, a position that might seem less than ideal heading into a general election, which is likely why Trump’s campaign has tried to ridicule concerns about its candidate’s commitment to the Constitution. But the former president’s footmen can’t help themselves, and they continue to trumpet their hopes for a dictatorship.

Luckily for the GOP, for a lot of their voters that’s a feature not a bug. On the Sunday morning talk shows recently, Sen. JD Vance (R-Ninth Circle of Hell)—auditioning for the VP spot on the Trump ticket—told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos that Trump ought to just defy the Supreme Court if it issues decisions he dislikes. And he did it in snide, condescending terms—including repeatedly saying “George,” like he meant “Vermin”—until “George” cut him off in mid-sentence and went to commercial.

Scuzzy as it is, Vance’s calculation that this sort of thing is exactly what the MAGA base wants may not be wrong. Because hardcore Trump loyalists don’t really want a democracy anyway, and their “mainstream” GOP enablers are happy to go along, while Low Information America apparently doesn’t care.

ROBIN HOOD IN REVERSE

Joe Biden is fond of saying, “Don’t compare me to the Almighty, compare me to the alternative.” But when it comes to that alternative, plenty of our countrymen don’t seem to think a lifelong con man and pathological liar who has been found guilty of sexual assault and is under indictment on 91 separate criminal charges sounds too bad. So my faith in the judgment of our fellow Americans is not super high.

MAGA hardliners are one thing; they are impervious to reason. Republican cynics like Vance and Tim Scott of South Carolina and accommodationists like Rep. Nancy Mace of SC (to name but a few) are also beyond help. But what I am most worried about are ordinary Americans who are not otherwise predisposed to sign on for fascism, and who should be alarmed by the prospect of Trump’s return, but are not.

By way of saying he would be fine with a second Trump administration, the odious Jamie Dimon, CEO of JP Morgan Chase, went on CNBC and made a series of assertions that were howlingly wrong on a purely empirical basis. (Trump was right on immigration? On NATO? On tax reform? I guess it depends on your definition of “right,” and on whether or not you’re Stephen Miller, Vladimir Putin, or Ebeneezer Scrooge.) And the CNBC anchors went along with and even happily nodded in agreement.

But the fact that many of the ultra-rich support Trump should come as no surprise. the idea that anyone else thinks he ought to be president, or would be good for their pocketbook, is nucking futs.

The main achievement of Trump 1.0—not counting kidnapping and caging children and killing people by the hundreds of thousands in the pandemic—was a massive tax cut for the wealthy that added about $1.7 trillion to the deficit that conservatives claim to care so much about. (That’s trillion with a “t” that rhymes with “p” and that stands for “plutocracy.”)

The economic plan for Trump 2.0 is the same, financed with a tariff, which as Matthew Yglesias explains in his Slow Boring newsletter, would mean “raising taxes on the poor and the middle class in order to finance a tax cut for rich people. It’s cartoonishly evil.”

(“Cartoonishly Evil,” The Atlantic’s Adam Serwer points out, would make a hell of an accurate campaign slogan for Trump, should “Make America Great Again” wear out its welcome.)

Yet that fact, too, is getting precious little airplay in the media, and seems to have no effect on the Republican voters it would hurt most. As Ygleisas writes in another recent piece, “Donald Trump is running on a gigantic regressive tax increase and nobody seems to care.”

SOUNDS LIKE A WHISPER

This past Sunday, Tracy Chapman made a rare live appearance on the Grammys, singing her iconic hit “Fast Car”—which won a Grammy in 1988—alongside country star Luke Combs, whose cover of it hit the top of the C&W charts (well, #2) last summer. Yeah, it was weird, but also poignant. I wrote a whole blog about that phenomenon last July, in which I mused whether one day we would  turn on country radio and hear another of Tracy’s hits, from that same monster debut LP, “Talkin’ Bout a Revolution”:

Poor people gonna rise up and get their share

Poor people gonna rise up and take what’s theirs

Finally the tables are starting to turn…..

The irony is, Trump’s supporters see themselves as those aggrieved and victimized people, and thrill to the idea of rising up and taking “what’s theirs.”

Some of them are indeed poor—which is a bitter irony in itself, seeing as they support the worst plutocrat of them all—but many others are middle class and even more are wealthy, like the grotesque Mr. Dimon. And the people they intend to “take what’s theirs” back from are, you know, the coloreds and the women’s libbers and the fags and the snowflakes and all the others they hate and believe have usurped the birthright of “real Americans.” They want to “take what’s theirs” the same way our forefathers took this country from its original inhabitants and wiped them out in a genocide, so that now American conservatives can keep a straight face while they screech about “securing the border” to keep out “illegal immigrants” trying to come here “the wrong way.”

So as I wrote last summer, “if ‘Talkin’ Bout a Revolution’ were to crack the country charts, I fear the ‘revolution’ in question would be the Capitol insurrection kind, with Confederate flags and AR-15s.”

As I wrote in the wake of Bob Kagan’s “sky is falling” piece of last November, a wakeup call is in order as regards the prospect of a second Trump administration, but self-defeating fatalism is not. The sky IS falling, but we can stop it, if we try…..or we can embrace the “Don’t Look Up” ethos and let the most openly criminal, overtly despotic president in American history come back to power after once trying to overthrow the government, not only with impunity but with reward.

The whole point of the Chicken Little story, after all, is that C.L. was right.

Yes, there is a lot of time left before this next November, but it will go by in a flash. And an October surprise in Trump’s favor—engineered, like Reagan/Tehran in ’80 or Nixon/Saigon in ‘68—is at least as likely as a turnaround that benefits Biden.

Many Republicans who currently support Trump have told pollsters that they would abandon him if he were to be convicted in one or more of his many trials. That surprises me: nothing thus far has dented their obeisance, so why should that? Do they really put that much stock in the wisdom of the justice system? Why not just disregard it, like every other institution and metric over which Trump has run roughshod? But whatever the reason, it offers some glimmer of hope for sanity in these United States.

Then again, the other way of looking at it, as NPR reported the story, is that “Most Republicans Would Vote For Trump Even If He’s Convicted Of A Crime.” Which is appalling. That poll found 70% of Republican voters in the “who cares?” category, against 27% who would be swayed. But in a tight race, losing that 27% could be fatal to the fascist cause.

That conviction scenario, of course, presumes that Trump will not succeed in running out the clock on his various legal troubles, which he has been pretty adept at doing thus far, with some assistance from the justice system itself. Today’s very welcome decision by a federal appeals court affirming that Donald is not a king is a step in the right direction toward stopping that, at least insofar as the January 6th case being prosecuted by special counsel Jack Smith. Let’s hope SCOTUS declines to take the case—the easiest way for it to stay above the fray and salvage what’s left of its credibility—and the trial can proceed forthwith. One hopes that the spectacle of a presidential candidate on trial for some of the worst crimes imaginable by a public servant, even if not yet convicted of them, will change the electoral calculus.

No matter which poll you believe, the 2024 presidential election is going to be a close one—far too close for comfort. And tens of millions of Americans are, in various degrees, thrilled, comfortable, not particularly bothered, or ostrich-like in their unawareness that it may spell the end of participatory democracy in the US of A.

It’s become trite to quote Ben Franklin’s quip, as he left the 1789 Constitutional Convention, about America being a democracy only if we can keep it, but he wasn’t wrong. And increasingly, I’m not sure we can.

And if we put Trump back in office, we won’t deserve one.

********

Illustration: Lemmings.

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Happy New Year Zero

At the end of 2020, on New Year’s Eve, in fact, I put out an essay for this blog called “Buh-Bye, Annus Horribilis.” In it, I recalled how crappy the previous twelve months had been, from a global pandemic, to the murder of George Floyd, to Trump’s attempts to delegitimize the presidential election before the fact:

I’ve rarely been so happy to turn the page on a calendar.

I’m aware that our measurement of time is an artificial construct. I know that, in reality (or is it Reality?) the sun that sets on the evening of December 31, 2020 and rises on the morning of January 1, 2021 is the same star. I am also aware that even the idea of a sun “rising” and “setting” is an anti-Copernican illusion. In other words, the line dividing 2020 from 2021 is a purely imaginary one.

But as long as we are maintaining arbitrary allegiance to Gregorian calendar, this New Year’s Day merits an assessment of the past 366 rotations of the planet. 

They sucked.  

How little I knew. Not being part of the John Eastman-Rudy Giuliani-Steve Bannon planning cell at the Willard Hotel, I had no idea that an even more mind-blowing event—an attempted coup d’état by an ousted president—loomed just on the far side of the Times Square ball drop and yet another godawful version of “Imagine” on live TV. As it turned out, imagination paled in comparison to the reality that awaited. 

THE GLASS IS HALF EMPTY (BECAUSE I DRANK IT)

Looking back, I went into that new year with a surprising amount of cheeriness, by my standards:

So good riddance, 2020. Your successor promises to bring pain and suffering of its own, but also the promise of rehabilitation, and therefore cause for optimism. Here in America, we will soon be under new management, with adult supervision for the first time in four years. The rollout of the vaccine brings the end of this ordeal within sight, and our return to competent leadership makes me believe that recovery is possible. But we will have to fight for it.

But my optimism was not entirely misplaced. As I noted at the time, there were some good things in 2020, some of which were directly related to those aforementioned tragedies. COVID gave the lie to the “paranoid style” anti-governmentalism that is prevalent on the right, showing that there are some crises so big that only communal efforts in the public sphere can address them. George Floyd’s murder prompted a long overdue (re-)awakening about the ongoing scourge of racial injustice in America. And Joe Biden’s victory provided evidence that some semblance of sanity still prevailed in the United States, for the moment. 

I have since written of my fears that the Biden administration will prove only a brief respite from the madness, if we are not diligent. Three years on from my Bronx cheer for 2020, that decisive moment is now barreling down upon us, as 2024 promises to be a year unlike any other in the lifetime of any living American.

In the next twelve months we will witness something that has never before happened in American history: the multiple criminal and civil trials of a former President of the United States, who is under indictment for 91 separate felonies (but who’s counting?). Fueled by the furor surrounding those trials, we can also look forward to what will surely be the ugliest presidential race in modern times. We must also brace for a possible victory in that race by an openly fascist candidate, one who has made no secret of his desire to install a right wing autocracy, where the top priority will be using all the levers of power to punish his enemies. 

Contrary to the self-defeating wave of pessimism currently prevalent on the left, and even the center, beating Trump in November is very much within our power. But even if we do, he will no doubt double down on his false claims that he wuz robbed, meaning we will still have to deal with a Big Lie movement embraced by tens of millions of our countrymen, a subset of which will be aggrieved, apoplectic white nationalists who feel entitled to use violence to overturn the will of the people. 

So we have that to look forward to. Which is nice.

In other words, buckle up. It’s going to be a bumpy ride. 

THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING EARNEST, PART V

Apropos of the looming election, The Bulwark’s Jonathan V. Last put things in perspective quite neatly this week:

Republicans are super excited to renominate a guy who:

  • Lost the popular vote twice;
  • Left office with the economy in a very bad place;
  • Attempted a violent coup;
  • Was twice impeached;
  • Is currently facing 91 criminal indictments; and
  • Was just removed from the ballot in one state because his candidacy has been ruled a violation of the 14th Amendment.

Looking at all of this, both Republican voters and Republican elites are pumped to get 

Trumped.

Meanwhile, Democrats have an incumbent president who:

  • Got more votes than anyone in American history;
  • Beat COVID;
  • Achieved a nearly-unprecedented economic soft landing;
  • Has kept unemployment under 4 percent and seen median household wealth increase by 37 percent; and
  • Is generally regarded has having handled geopolitical crises as well as any president in the modern era.

Yet Democratic elites and voters are desperate to get this guy off the ticket and replace him with some unspecified, unknown quantity.

It’s just interesting. Republicans have a manifestly unfit candidate and they continue to drive past all of the off-ramps offered to them. Democrats have a successful incumbent president and all they want to do is find an off-ramp.

(When I posted that on Facebook last week, I faced some pushback on the “beat COVID” piece. Fair point. Yes, saying that Biden beat Covid is an exaggeration. But to give credit for the vaccine to the guy who kept saying that the virus would disappear, who refused to tell people to wear masks, who suggested they inject bleach, is even more off base. Operation Warp Speed succeeded in spite of Trump, not because of him.)

The point is, we absolutely can beat Trump and turn back this wave of incipient American authoritarianism. But it will require all hands on deck, every shoulder to the wheel, and every other cliché in the book.

Americans are tired of hearing that “this is the most important election of our lifetimes.” But for the fifth election cycle in a row (2016, 2018, 2020, 2021, and 2024), it’s arguably so. It will also be the first US presidential election conducted with the added complication of one of the two candidates on trial for some of the worst crimes imaginable for a former head of state, and tens of millions of his followers—our fellow Americans—who either think he did nothing wrong, or don’t care, or are glad he did. Therefore, per above, even if we win, the struggle to reclaim and defend American democracy will only be beginning. 

I can’t really even fathom just how intense the next twelve months are going to be. 

So Happy New Year, everybody; I hope y’all had a good and restful holiday. We may drink a cup of kindness yet, but first, grave business lies ahead.